Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal (Vol. 3 No. 2)

John E. Mack & Mark A. Schroll

Souls and S pirit-Deities -

Bob Trubshaw?**

ranthropology

Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

Vol. 3 No. 2 (April 2012)

Board of Reviewers

Dr. Fiona Bowie (Dept. Archaeology & Anthropology, University of Bristol)
Dr. Iain R. Edgar (Dept. Anthropology, Durham University)
Prof. David J. HufFord (Centre for Ethnography & Folklore, University of Pennsylvania)
Prof. Charles D. Laughlin (Dept. Sociology & Anthropology, Carleton University)
Dr. David Luke (Dept. Psychology & Counseling, University of Greenwich)
Dr. James McClenon (Dept. Social Sciences, Elizabeth State University)
Dr. Sean O'Callaghan (Department of Politics, Philosophy & Religion, University of Lancaster)
Dr. Serena Roney-Dougal (Psi Research Centre, Glastonbury)
Dr. William Rowlandson (Dept. Hispanic Studies, University of Kent)
Dr. Mark A. Schroll (Institute for Consciousness Studies, Rhine Research Centre)
Dr. Gregory Shushan (Ian Ramsay Centre for Science & Religion, University of Oxford)
Dr. Angela Voss (EXESESO, University of Exeter)
Dr. Lee Wilson (Dept. Archaeology & Anthropology, University of Cambridge)
Dr. Michael Winkelman (School of Human Evolution & Social Change, Arizona State University)
Prof. David E. Young (Dept. Anthropology, University of Alberta)

Honorary Members of the Board

Prof. Stephen Braude (Dept. Philosophy, University of Maryland)

Paul Devereux (Royal College of Art)
Prof. Charles F. Emmons (Dept. Sociology, Gettysburg College)
Prof. Patric V Giesler (Dept. Anthropology, Gustavus Adolphus College)
Prof. Ronald Hutton (Dept. History, University of Bristol)
Prof. Stanley Krippner (Faculty of Psychology, Saybrook University)

Dr. Edith Turner (Dept. Anthropology University of Virginia)
Dr. Robert Van de Castle (Dept. Psychiatry, University of Virginia)

Editor

Jack Hunter (Dept. Archaeology & Anthropology, University of Bristol)
Cover Artwork
Gavin Nelson

Vol. 3 NO. 2

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

Contents

Experiential Reclamation and First
Person Parapsychology - David Luke

(4-14)

Souls and Spirit-Deities -

Bob Trubshaw (15-20)

SoundScape and the Culture of
War on an American Civil War Bat-
tlefield: An Ethnography of Com-
munication with

Past Presences - John G. Sabol (21-30)

The Effect of Meditation Attain-
ment on Psychic Awareness: Re-
search With Yogis and Tibetan
Buddhists - Serena Roney-Dougal
(31-36)

Shamanism, Transpersonal Ecoso-
phy, and John E. Mack's Investiga-
tions of Encounters with Extrater-
restrial Consciousness - John E.
Mack & Mark A. Schroll (37-43)

REVIEW: 'Words Matter: Herme-
neutics in the Study of Religion' by
Rene Gothoni - Margaret Gouin (45-
46)

REVIEW: 'The Forbidden Book' by
Guido di Sospiro and Joscelyn
Godwin - Robert M. Schoch (48-52)

Welcome to Vol. 3 No. 2. This issue features David
Luke's final Presidential address to the Parapsychological
Association, in which he calls for a first-person approach
to parapsychology (first published in Journal of Parapsychol-
ogy, No. 75). Bob Trubshaw's article 'Souls and Spirit-
Deities' examines the similarities and differences between
various traditional concepts of spirits, gods and ghosts. In
'Soundscape and the Culture of War on an American
Battlefield' John Sabol outlines his methodology for con-
ducting ghost excavations and describes some unusual
occurrences on Civil War battlefields. Serena Roney-
Dougal outlines her research into the psychic develop-
ment of Tibetan Buddhists and Yogi meditators (first
published in Paranormal Review, No. 61), and Mark A.
Schroll presents some of John E. Mack's final thoughts
on the relationship between extraterrestrial encounters
and the ecological crisis our planet is facing. Finally we
have two reviews from Margaret Gouin and Robert M.
Schoch. I hope you enjoy.

The next issue represents the second anniversary of
the journal's existence. In order to celebrate two years of
Paranthropology we will be releasing a special hardback
book featuring a choice selection of the best articles from
the past four issues. The book will be reasonably priced
and available to buy from amazon.com/co.uk and
lulu.com, so keep your eyes peeled for that.

The next issue will also be the first to implement a
new set of volunteer editors and proofreaders, whose
welcome contributions to the work of putting this journal
together will assist in helping Paranthropology to further
flourish. New additions to the editing team include John
W. Morehead, editor of the great website Theofantastique
and founding member of the Western Institute for Inter-
cultural Studies^ who will be fulfilling the role of Inter-
views Editor. The role of News/Events Editor will be
taken by Anthony Kelly, a second year Ph.D candidate in
the Department of Anthropology at Maynooth Univer-
sity in Ireland, and the new role of Reviews Editor will
be performed by Dr. Douglas Farrer of the Department
of Anthropology at the University of Guam. I am very
much looking forward to working with these new editors
and am sure that their efforts will serve to improve the
quality and content of the journal.

Jack Hunter

Vol. 3 NO. 2

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

Experiential Reclamation and First Person Parapsychology

David Luke
i 1

When J. B. Rhine proposed the formation of
the parapsychological association (PA) in 1957,
he intended that the organisation be both a pro-
fessional and an international group, in order to
better promote communication between the
scattered academics working in the field. The
following year, 1958, the first PA convention was
held at Duke University in North Carolina, in
the US. Despite being an international body the
PA was at that time, and has always been, a pre-
dominantly American organisation, and ap-
proximately half of the current 320 members live
in the United States. Naturally, then, the first six
PA conventions were held in the US, until 1964
when my good friend Steve Abrams, who was
doing his PhD in parapsychology at Oxford at
the time, was able to organise the first overseas
event from there.

From then on, the convention returned to
the US for three consecutive years and was then
hosted by a foreign country every fourth year,
switching to once every three years in Europe
from 1991, until finally in 2000 it began alternat-
ing evenly each year across the Atlantic. So far,
outside of the US, the annual PA convention has
been hosted by the UK, Germany, Holland, Ice-
land, Canada, France, Austria, and Sweden, but
has never yet left the northern hemisphere.

I'm pleased to say that, with the support of
my board and my good colleagues here in Bra-
zil, I spearheaded the move to have the PA fully
engage with its international objective and host
the convention beyond the usual Euro-american
confines. This manoeuvre somewhat disrupted
the comfortable back and forth pattern, causing
quite some unexpected commotion last year at
the PA business meeting in Paris, regarding
where the next convention location would be.
Europeans tussled with North Americans for
their turn next, now that the cycle had been bro-
ken. Fortunately there were neither baguettes
nor bagels thrown, but I had not anticipated
such a disagreement, and I diplomatically opted

vol.

to let the board decide later instead of there and
then, rather than face half an angry crowd
whichever way the issue was resolved. I am,
nevertheless, extremely pleased that PA mem-
bers get very passionate about where the next
convention will be held.

Bringing the PA's annual event to Brazil,
however, was for me the obvious thing to do.
Having visited here in 2008 for the 4th Psi Meet-
ing and 3rd Journey Into Altered States, I was im-
mediately impressed by the great enthusiasm
for parapsychology among Brazilians, and
deeply enamoured with the earnest and con-
certed efforts to legitimise the field among re-
searchers here, especially Wellington Zangari
and Fatima Machado of the University of Sao
Paulo, and Alexander Moreira-Almeida of the
Federal University of Juiz de Fora. I was also
hugely compelled by the excellent organisation
of the joint Brazilian events by Fabio da Silva,
one of Professor Zangari' s parapsychology Phd
students at USP

The incorporation, quite literally at some
points, of the 3rd Journey Into Altered States into
the Brazilian parapsychology meeting added a
much-needed experiential dimension to all the
heady intellectual presentations that are typi-
cally delivered at an academic conference. This
is also the true difference between Brazil and
other countries in which the PA has been hosted:
that many people here do not just explore para-
psychology as an academic discipline, they at-
tempt to live it as a dimension of their personal
belief system. For Brazil, as you may have no-
ticed, has one of the most open minded, diverse
and progressive approaches to different relig-
ious practices, towards paranormal phenomena,
and towards the often fraught relationship be-
tween science and spirituality.

Here at the PA we are typically scientists
firsr-and-foremost — no matter what else we
are — but the advantage of studying parapsy-
chology in a country like Brazil is that there is

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

no shortage of natural phenomena to study, and
the amount of people both believing in and ex-
periencing the paranormal are easily in the ma-
jority. This is truly an anomaly in a country as
developed as it is. For instance, in a survey con-
ducted by Fatima Machado (2010) here recently
(as reported by Wellington Zangari this morn-
ing) an extraordinary 80-90% of Brazilians re-
ported having had a psi experience.

Typically, we also find the same types of
anomalous phenomena here that we find else-
where in the world, such as the everyday occur-
rence of apparently psychic episodes, out-of-
body experiences, near-death experiences, et
cetera, but there are also occurrences of less
common phenomena such as poltergeist-like
manifestations and, something especially Brazil-
ian, we also have psychic surgery (for a review
of some famous Brazilian cases of the above
phenomena see Playfair, 1975). There's also the
common and widespread practice of medium-
ship, perhaps here more than anywhere else in
the developed world: such as among the two
million or more practising Spiritists in Brazil,
who even have mediums working alongside
psychiatrists in spiritist mental health hospitals,
helping to remedy otherwise conventionally un-
beatable cases of schizophrenia and other prob-
lematic disorders (e.g., see Luke, 2009; Silveira,
2008). Some of our delegates were earlier this
week treated to a visit to a local institute to wit-
ness this extraordinary institutionalised mental
health practice.

We also find that the events on offer along-
side this conference occur readily here in Curi-
tiba and all over Brazil, such as Umbanda trance
incorporation rituals (Giesler, 1985) and the
drinking of psychoactive jungle decoctions such
as the one once called telepathine by chemists,
now typically called ayahuasca, yage, or daime
(Luke, 2011b). This is because these ancient
techniques of utilising altered states of con-
sciousness for healing, which is what they are
intended for, never left the culture here in Bra-
zil — despite the modernisation that has seen
such practices die away in many parts of the
world, particularly in North America and
Europe.

Vol.3

In many cases such traditional healing prac-
tices were actually actively killed off, for exam-
ple by the inquisition, which all but ended much
of this type of approach to healing in Euro-
America, and since then the hegemony of the
medical establishment has continued with that
process in recent centuries, but in a somewhat
less brutal fashion. Nevertheless, as a concurrent
outgrowth of the scientific age we had the estab-
lishment of psychical research in the UK some
130 years ago, which has continued to thrive,
particularly in recent years, in the form of the
academic study of parapsychology (Luke,
2011c).

One of the developments occurring in the
UK, perhaps partly as a reaction to the rise of
parapsychology and psychical research, is the
growth of anomalistic psychology. There is the
need for some explanation here when I talk
about anomalistic psychology, because I am us-
ing that term in a rather restricted sense. I am
sure that in the minds of many here, you see the
research that you do as anomalistic psychology,
in that you scientifically study psychological
experiences and phenomena of an anomalous
nature. I am also aware that many researchers in
our field who are sympathetic, or at least open
to the psi hypothesis, like to use this term, but I
am using the term anomalistic psychology here
to apply to the so-called skeptics who research
in this field and adopt the term exclusively to
that of parapsychology, because they have a
prejudice against the very notion of psi.

Should a priori be a Priority?

In principle, this skeptical approach to the
anomalous adopts the stance of researching the
psychology of anomalous beliefs and experi-
ences without assuming that anything para-
normal exists, but in practice it commonly main-
tains — as a working hypothesis — that nothing
paranormal ever occurs, at best, or, more typi-
cally, assumes a priori that the paranormal is
bunk, woo woo, flim flam (e.g., Randi, 1994),
hocus-pocus, mumbo jumbo, or, in a somewhat
imperialistic fashion, just plain voodoo (e.g.,
Park, 2000), that is, just some kind of gullible,
primitive, retarded, illogical, crazy, foreign,

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

and/or juvenile type of magical thinking (e.g.,
Alcock, 1981; Hood, 2009; Vyse, 1997; Zusne &
Jones, 1989).

So while some respected researchers in our
midst like to use this anomalistic psychology
term, in my mind, and for the purposes of this
talk, it has come to represent the prejudged and
prejudiced type of psychological approach that
supposes that paranormal belief is degenerate
and that paranormal experiences are delusional.
And it is this academic shadow of parapsychol-
ogy that is seemingly also growing, in the UK at
the very least.

So while anomalistic psychology has the ob-
jective of reducing the unknown to the known —
as Professor Zangari (2011) reminded us yester-
day — there is an inherent danger of assuming
that we really do fully comprehend the universe
already, which, at its core, projects a sort of igno-
rant arrogance, because, for me at least, the
more I learn the more I realise how little I know.
Now, obviously the findings of anomalistic psy-
chology, and that of parapsychology, serve an
extremely important function in helping us to
understand "what looks like psi but isn't." I also
have an enormous amount of respect for the late
professor Bob Morris, and others (e.g. Pekala &
Cardena, 2000), for ceaselessly determining
these criteria, but Morris didn't leave the re-
search there (and neither would Zangari), and
he would also consider "what looks like psi and,
given that we've ruled out other factors, it
probably is."

However, for researchers to restrict an ap-
proach to a purely disconfirmatory agenda
would be throwing the baby out with the bath
water, or at least willfully not checking to see if
the baby is in the bath first, because we just
don't like children. Essentially then, by restrict-
ing the agenda to maintaining that paranormal
experiences really are just normal experi-
ences — and not potentially phenomena cur-
rently inexplicable by scientific knowledge — the
paranormal experience itself is being wholly
appropriated by the so-called skeptical anoma-
listic psychology community. As such I am call-
ing for the reclamation of "the experience" from
anomalistic psychology, which is pushing to

Vol.3

make us all believe that anyone having an
anomalous experience is cognitively faulty.
Thus, from this perspective, all experiencers are
suffering from some sort of misperception, mis-
remembering, poor judgement, fantasy, faulty
reasoning, self-delusion, deception, fraud, or
coincidence. Of course, all these considerations
are valid, because they do sometimes occur, but,
problematically, they are all too often offered as
whole and complete explanations for all phe-
nomena by so-called skeptics. The "experience"
has all but been swept up and dumped into a
filing cabinet labelled as "broken brain."

Paranoid Normality:
Why They Don't See What is There

Take Richard Wiseman's (2011) latest best selling
book on anomalistic psychology that came out
this year, Paranormality: Why We See What Isn't
There. It gestures towards legitimate science but
without actually taking a balanced or even an
empirical viewpoint on certain experiences. For
instance, the neat explanation given for the great
prevalence among the public for reports of pre-
cognitive dreams is that, yes, these experiences
occur with some degree of frequency, but, no,
they are not paranormal, they are just coinciden-
tal. In this view, dreams of future events are
merely products of the law of truly large num-
bers, that is, that given that enough people are
having dreams each night then the probability
of someone dreaming a particular future event
is almost certain.

Wiseman takes the example of the numerous
people who reported precognitive dreams about
the 1967 Aberfan disaster in Wales that killed
128 children in a school when a landslide de-
stroyed the building. According to the rationale,
the average person has 60 years of adult dream-
ing in their lifetime, 365 days of the year, which
equates to roughly 22,000 nights of dreams. As-
suming that events like the Aberfan disaster
only occur once in each generation, and the av-
erage person only dreams of such a disaster
once in a lifetime then the odds of such a dream
are 22,000 to 1. Then, considering that there
were about 45 million Britons in 1966, this
equates to roughly 2,000 people dreaming the

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

Aberfan disaster. According to Wiseman, the
law of truly large numbers accounts for Barker's
(1967) seemingly impressive collection of 36
dreams of the Aberfan disaster before it hap-
pened.

There's some faulty logic at work in all of
this. What is meant by generation in this con-
text? Should we expect 2,000 people to dream
the Aberfan disaster or to just dream of some
disaster, as supposedly only occurs once in a
lifetime, according to Wiseman? Wiseman's cal-
culation also assumes that the coincidence of the
dream and the event can occur any time
throughout one's lifetime. Clearly though, the
dream didn't occur at any time in the entire life-
span of 45 million Britons, it happened on one
day when some of them were old and some
were young, so it's unsound to use entire life-
time calculations for a cross section of the popu-
lation. Dreaming of the disaster after the event
doesn't really count as precognition, does it? So
it rather depends on the average age of people
when they have such dreams, not how long they
live for (Luke, in press). I could go on.

Not only does this example demonstrate the
inherently dodgy use of estimated probabilities
in this sort of reasoning, but Wiseman (2011)
and many other anomalistic psychologists (e.g.,
Blackmore, 1990; Charpak & Broch, 2004; Esgate
& Groome, 2001; Hines, 2003; Mueller & Rob-
erts, 2001; Zusne & Jones, 1989) utterly fail to
consider any genuine experimental research into
dream ESP, and rely solely on subjective esti-
mates of probability and subsequently dubious
calculations, all of which, perhaps unsurpris-
ingly, are completely different from one re-
searcher to another. Consequently, 50 years or so
of diligent experimental dream research using
clear objective probabilities, conducted since the
start of Stan Krippner's era at Maimonides, is
completely ignored at the expense of some logi-
cally sketchy tales. All this despite the call from
skeptic Michael Shermer (1997, p.48) that the
study of paranormal beliefs needs "controlled
experiments, not anecdotes." I assume Shermer
is using the term anecdote in the common use of
the word as a story told without any evidence to

vol.

back it up, rather than in the literal sense of the
word, of an account that remains unpublished.

The major problem with Wiseman's (2011)
proposal that such precognitive dreams occur
but once in a lifetime is that this estimation is
also plucked out of an intellectual vacuum. Re-
claiming the dream experience, if you were to
work with, record, and study your dreams every
day as I did for just 18 months, then you might
actually discover, as did I, that on average 1
dream in 10 had some compelling precognitive
component. I am not the only one who reports
this either, as we have comparable figures from
other dream diary studies (e.g., Bender 1966; de
Pablos 1998: 2002). While such self-reports are
not evidential, can the law of truly large num-
bers actually account for these rates of occur-
rence? Indeed, suggesting that such frequent
occurrences are expected by chance is essentially
the opposite of what psychiatrist Klaus Conrad
(1958) somewhat oddly called apophenia, the
discovery of patterns in (apparently) random
data. Perhaps we should call this opposite phe-
nomenon of attributing chance probability to
(apparently) related phenomena randomania, as
a label for believing that everything one cannot
currently explain is just due to chance and coin-
cidence. One assumes that such a condition de-
rives from a deep-seated rejection and fear of
the paranormal — which I'll come back to — a
kind of paranoid normality.

Experiential Reclamation:
Repossessing Possession and Other Anomalies

Essentially though, for me, Wiseman's assumed
rarity among individuals (though not popula-
tions) of precognitive dreams indicates the im-
portance of truly getting inside our subject mat-
ter. I don't have to take somebody else's word
for it that 10% of their dreams are seemingly
precognitive when I can experience it for myself.
There are other advantages to pursuing this line
of personal research too, in that the subtleties of
negotiating the dream psi experience can also
teach us about the first-person process involved
in the experience and, perhaps, even teach us
something about ourselves too (e.g., Luke, 2005).
So what I am asking for is the reclamation of the

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

anomalous experience from anomalistic psy-
chology. Yes, parapsychology studies anomalous
experiences too — though mainly in other peo-
ple — but the field seems increasingly to retreat
further away from the lived experience and to-
wards the abstract, objective experimental do-
main, often to the point where the personal
meaningfulness of the task for the participant
has been all but squeezed out. This year's ban-
quet speaker, Michael Winkelman, nailed this
nicely earlier today (Winkelman, 2011) by indi-
cating the importance of ecological validity in
relation to Carlos Alberto Tinoco's comments
that his own ayahuasca-drinking ESP partici-
pants much preferred to enjoy their visions than
engage with his psi task (Tinoco 1994: 2011).
participant-experimenters would probably be
advantageous in such a situation, or would at
least be useful in anticipating design flaws that
would likely arise with other participants.

Clearly, experimental control is essential for
having some certainty that our effects are genu-
ine, and this will usually be at the expense of
ecological validity (as Winkelman pointed out),
but, beyond just striving for a well-controlled
naturalistic study, we can also gain a great deal
from exploring the personal dimensions of our
subject matter. I'm not asking that everyone in
our field become platonic maniacs — as illumi-
nated by Etzel Cardena (2011) last night in the
opening keynote address for this conven-
tion — but I am saying that we have something
to gain from a Jamesian radical empiricism. Wil-
liam James reminds us that, "to be radical an
empiricism must neither admit into its construc-
tion any element that is not directly experi-
enced, nor exclude from them [sic] any element
that is directly experienced" (James 1912 [1996]:
42).

As we progress next year into the centenary
of James' posthumous Radical Empiricism, we
should recall his noble first-person approach to
his subject matter, unafraid as he was to experi-
ment with "the atmosphere of heaven" and par-
take of nitrous oxide, and further still he was
also unafraid to write about it in the Varieties of
Religious Experience (James 1901 [1958]). As
Ralph Metzner (2005: 27) says about radical em-

Vol.3

piricism, "it is not where or how observations
are made that makes a field of study 'scientific,'
it is what is done with the observations after-
wards."

Now, some of you here may find this radical
epistemology challenging, and for others I may
well be preaching to the converted, but I would
like to encourage and celebrate first-person sci-
ence as a means of approaching anomalous
phenomena. It needn't be everyone adopting
this approach, and neither can, nor should, it be
used to investigate all phenomena (e.g., near-
death experience). Nor is this approach a re-
placement for objective methodologies, but
rather an augmentation of our current episte-
mology.

Take the phenomena of lucid dreaming.
While lucid dreams have long been reported as
anomalous experiences, they were for many
years considered by some researchers to be de-
lusionary impossible, and absurd (e.g., Malcolm
1959) and they were largely thought to be
"micro-awakenings" (Foulkes 1974), until the
late 1970s. Lucid dreams weren't actually
widely accepted as real by the scientific com-
munity until Stephen LaBerge taught himself to
lucid dream to such an extent that he learned
that he could control his eye movements and
demonstrate to an objective observer that he
was actually consciously in control of his
dreams whilst in a physiologically verified sleep
state (LaBerge, Nagel, Dement, & Zarcone 1981).
Perhaps once we can demonstrate psi ourselves
in our personal encounters with critics, they
may well also take a different view, perhaps not.

Do You Do Voodoo?
The Perks and Perils of Going Native

Another parallel example comes from the field
of anthropology, which witnessed a revolution
of methods in the 1970s that, in particular, had a
profound effect on many anthropologists' view
of ostensibly paranormal phenomena (Luke
2010a). During the late 1960s and early 1970s a
number of anthropologists, such as Harner
(1968), Kensinger (1973), and, controversially,
Casteneda (1968), passed over the objective
threshold that had been maintaining prejudices

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

in their field, and, rather than merely observing,
began participating in native rituals and actively
journeyed into altered states of consciousness,
particularly those utilising psychedelic plants.
As a result they finally transcended the etic-emic
divide that had separated researchers ethnocen-
trically from a deeper understanding of their
subject matter, and the technique of participant-
observation was finally fully embraced with re-
spect to anomalous phenomena (Luke 2010a).
For the first time in the history of anthropologi-
cal research, researchers not only participated
but actually "went native" and reported having
transpersonal experiences (they had usually
kept them quiet until this time), and, in the
process, transformed themselves, their data, and
their methodology.

After apparently witnessing a spirit leave a
body during a healing ceremony with the
Ndembu of Zambia in 1985, Edith turner (1992;
1994) strongly urged for a deeper participatory
approach to anthropology and the ostensibly
paranormal, chastising those who merely par-
ticipated in a "kindly pretense." Turner's call to
ethnographers was also echoed across all fields
of consciousness research at that time, and
Harman (1993) warned that, "the scientist who
would explore the topic of consciousness. ..must
be willing to risk being transformed in the proc-
ess of exploration" (1993: 193, italics in original).

Nevertheless, such advances in the under-
standing of the natives' rituals and their belief in
magic presented some problems within the es-
tablished academic doctrine, and the ontological
boundary the anthropologists crossed once they
had gone native often caused their peers to im-
mediately question the validity of their experi-
ence (Macdonald 2001). So, despite the episte-
mological advances forged through participant-
observation, the spectre of the "removed" eth-
nographer still persists in haunting researchers
(Turner 2006), continuing to give rise to a fear of
ostracism within the anthropological commu-
nity (Winkelman 1983; Young & Goulet 1994).

For instance, Richards (2003) recently testi-
fied to this fear by announcing that all the an-
thropologists she knew had had paranormal ex-
periences themselves, but that their so-called

Vol.3

scientific training demanded that they explain
away the ostensibly psi phenomena as coinci-
dence (more randomania) or psychosomatic
healing — itself a notion held to be superstitious
until recently. One theory put forward for this
fearful data-burying is that the culturally ac-
ceptable arguments for paranormal phenomena
given by Western scientists serve to alleviate the
anxiety induced by the possibility that magic
may be real (Van de Castle 1974), a notion which
anthropologists, parapsychologists, and even
magical practitioners themselves (Luke 2007)
find equally difficult to accept. Charles Tart
(1984), Harvey Irwin (1985), Stephen Braude
(1993) and others have written at length about
this matter in our own field and the problem
inherent in both our acknowledged and unac-
knowledged fears of psi that may not only hold
back participants but also researchers and, inevi-
tably, the data we collect.

First Person Parapsychology:
Being Subjective Is the New Objective

Experience tells us, however, that a first-person
approach can help us to deal with both the fear
of psi and with the restrictions of an ethnocen-
tric perspective. Furthermore, we have heard a
good deal today about altered states of con-
sciousness, and it is hard to deny their relevance
and importance to the field of parapsychology
(Luke 2011a). They are indeed, as Professor Car-
defia (2011) so eloquently reminded us, a many
splendored thing. But, lurking within the purely
detached and objective observation of these
states lies what Grof (2008) calls pragmacen-
trism: an inherent inability to fully understand
the state itself without having experienced it
oneself. And yet, despite having sounded the
revolutionary call for state-specific sciences
some 40 years ago, Charles Tart's (1972, 1998,
2000) hugely important demand for studying
altered states on their own terms has all but
been ignored.

There are exceptions, of course, in various
pockets of the study of consciousness, and fol-
lowing from his work investigating the cogni-
tive psychology of so-called hallucinations
through the use of ayahuasca — both by himself

NO. 2 9

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

and by others— Benny Shanon (2002, 2003)
points out the basic limitations of not being in-
side one's subject matter: few people would
trust a deaf person to teach us about music. The
same principle goes for altered states and their
phenomena, be they form constants (Luke
2010b) or psi. Indeed, in the study of altered
states, some researchers (e.g., Strassman 2001)
indicate that it is the researchers' duty to go first
so that they can anticipate the kind of states that
participants may have, leading to increased
awareness and insight into difficult experiences.
Charles Laughlin (1992) illuminates the issue of
pragmacentrism further by delineating the dif-
ferences between monophasic and polyphasic
cultures, that is, respectively, the difference be-
tween cultures that primarily regard the ordi-
nary waking consciousness as the only true and
trusted state, compared to those cultures that
recognise the importance, even the necessity, of
other states of consciousness for their own psy-
chological well being and for the well being of
their community and habitat.

So I am asking for the reclamation of the
anomalistic experience itself from the arm's
length stylisation of it as a dysfunctional dimen-
sion of being human. I am not saying that the
inclusion of first-person science is essential in all
domains of our research, but it may certainly be
advantageous in some areas. As I have pointed
out, it can help us transcend the intellectual
gulfs of ethnocentrism, pragmacentrism, and the
fear of the implications arising if our theories are
actually right. Getting inside our subject matter
may also be an ethical imperative and, addition-
ally, may have a positive transformative and ca-
thartic effect upon us as researchers, perhaps
leading to better insights and an opening up of
our creative potential. For example, the sociolo-
gist and anthropologist of mediumship Charles
Emmons (in press) actually went all the way
and trained as a medium, pointing out that this
allowed him to better appreciate the experiences
of his research participants.

Furthermore, given the very special subject
matter of parapsychology and the near-
inescapable trickster element of experimenter
psi that plagues the very interpretation of any

Vol 3

findings (e.g., Stanford 1981; Hansen 2001), then
N-of-oneself-experimentation the likes of which
many parapsychologists have attempted (e.g.,
de Pablos 1998, 2002; Radin 1990; 1990-1991;
Schmidt 1991, 1997, 2000; Tart 1983; Thalbourne
2006) at least circumvents this issue somewhat
and gives us some faith in the source of our re-
sults. Self-experimentation also guarantees a
number of factors that may be found to be prob-
lematic with other-than-us participants, such as
motivation and honesty (e.g., Luke & Zy-
chowicz 2011), security, and adherence to the
protocol. Further, Thouless (1960) suggested that
psi self-experimentation could help with getting
more reliable results. Such "participatory sci-
ence," as Emmons calls it (in press), can also
help us personally determine if particular
anomalous experiences are genuinely paranor-
mal. Ultimately too, a first-person approach
may help us discover new ways in which we
can utilise the phenomena we study, so that we
are not forever burdened with an almost entirely
theoretical science that, ironically, is in need of a
comprehensive theory, and we may instead be-
gin to discover new applications for the useful
implementation of the phenomena we study.

Perhaps too, parapsychology, like transper-
sonal psychology can have the additional aim of
being hermeneutic (Daniels 2005) and reach for
an emphasis on understanding and interpreta-
tion, thereby living up to the psychological di-
mension of its name, love it or loathe it, and not
just striving for physical or physiological levels
of explanation. Ultimately, if there is a central
theme here it is merely that we should "get in-
side" our subject matter. Anyway, seeing as we
are running late, and I've been talking all day,
the next subject matter of the evening is to enjoy
ourselves and have a drink, so I hope you both
get inside your subject matter and let your sub-
ject matter get inside you; the drinks are served.
Thank you.

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David Luke, Ph.D, is past
President of the Parapsy-
chological Association, and
Senior Lecturer in Psychol-
ogy at the University of
Greenwich, UK, where he
teaches an undergraduate
course on the Psychology
of Exceptional Human Ex-

periences. He is also Re-
search Associate at the
Beckley Foundation, Oxford, UK, and he is a guest
lecturer at the University of Northampton, UK, for
the MSc in Transpersonal Psychology and Con-
sciousness Studies. He is also Director of the Ecol-
ogy, Cosmos and Consciousness lecture series at
the October Gallery in Bloomsbury, London.

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

Souls and Spirit-Deities

Bob Trubshaw
i 1

Books describing ethnographic fieldwork often

seem to be written by people with no soul, and
while we might refer to a group of academic
ethnographers as collectively having no souls, it
seems odd to refer to an individual as having
'no souls' rather than not having just the one.

The reason is easy to see. Modern Western
thinking, with academic paradigms often at its
core, is the secularised successor to nearly two
millennia of Christian thinking. And, while
many aspects of the Christian worldview have
shifted and changed, the doctrine that we have
one soul has stayed constant. Secularised West-
ern thinking may simply shift to the position
that we do not have a soul, rather than the much
more awkward shift to thinking that we do not
have more than one soul.

Furthermore, modern Western thinking clear
separates the physical realm from the meta-
physical one of souls and deities. So referring to
the heart as an anatomical organ is quite distinct
to referring to the heart as the seat of our emo-
tions. However much this separation seems
'common sense' to us now, only a few genera-
tions ago that the division was nothing like so
well-defined. This is because 'common sense'
tells us only about the usually unchallenged
myths underlying our culture, and often fails to
recognise that what was common sense to, say,
our great-grandparents would not seem that
way today.

The first thing to emphasise is that, contrary
to Christian thinking, souls and spirits are not
two words for more-or-less the same thing. In
traditional worldviews there are likely to be
several souls and any number of different types
of spirits. Clive Tolley has provided a useful
summary of the ethnography of these disparate
worldviews (Tolley 2009: Ch.8&9). While there
distinctions between the different souls and dif-
ferent spirits may not always be consistent, the
distinctions between souls and spirits are much
clearer.

Vol.3

To get an idea of just how different tradi-
tional views of the soul can be, here is Tolley's
outline of the beliefs of the Nanai (also known
as the Hezhen, Golds or Samagir) from Siberia:

People are possessed of three souls. In
heaven, boa, there is a soultree, omijamuoni,
where human spirits in the form of birds
flit about, and may fly into a woman on
earth, impregnating her. The shamanic rite
for childless women involves the shaman
flying up to heaven and selecting a strong
spirit, omija, to bring back down for the
woman. The omija exists for the first year
of an infant's life. It has the appearance of
a small bird. If the infant dies, the omija
does not go to the world of the dead, buni,
but flies straight back to heaven, without
funeral rites. The mother may pray for the
omija to return to her; hence she may give
birth to the same child several times. In
the second year the omija is replaced by
the yergeni, 'sparrow', which has the form
of a small person but can transform itself
into a sparrow and fly away. If the yergeni
falls ill, so does its owner. At death the
yergeni is transformed into thefania, which
may hover around the dead for a while, or
else flee away. It cannot depart from the
world until an elaborate funeral wake,
kaza, is carried out, involving the shaman
acting as psychopomp to take the soul to
the world of the dead. (Tolley 2009: 16970;
based on Lopatin 1960: 2830)

If we want to look back even further in time
than pioneering ethnographers then, because
these early societies these are almost always
non-literate, the oldest records are written down
by people from literate cultures, who usually
have a Christian, Buddhist or Muslim world-
view. And, in rather too many cases, the scribes
are pursuing a missionary agenda to promote

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15

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

their worldview over the 'primitive' one they
are describing. While I will come to Buddhist
views of the soul later, in the case of Christian
writers they - understandably - have trouble
recognising or accurately describing cultures
with multiple souls.

Yet despite such distortions of the evidence,
throughout the world an overwhelming number
of cultures recognise several souls. Ethnogra-
phers attempt to differentiate these with such
names as 'life soul,' 'life force,' 'free soul,' 'exter-
nal soul,' 'shadow soul,' 'mirror soul,' 'alter ego,'
'double' 'second body' or 'fylgia. 'And this mul-
tiplexity seems almost inherent - the clearest
early example is from the first century AD when
Plutarch, in De Facie Lunae, describes souls as
'multilayered' (Brown 1978: 68-72).

What is typically referred to as the 'life soul'
is often associated with the breath, whereas the
terms 'free soul' or 'shadow soul' refer to souls
which can wander free from the body. Variants
of these two souls are all-but universal, while a
third soul - the bearer of 'psychic life functions'
and often referred to by ethnographers as the
'ego-soul' also exists in many societies (Tolley
2009: Ch.8).

In myth and legend these free soul can go on
journeys - perhaps with companions, perhaps
turning into an animal, perhaps to a 'fairy
realm' or to a 'heaven' or to a demonic 'sabbat.'
These soul journeys may be to heal or to harm
or for other reasons. The soul may even take
part in battle with hostile spirits, or the spirits of
storms. Different cultures the souls are subtly
different, do things differently and for different
reasons. Yet, with almost no exceptions, there is
a belief in souls. And, unlike Christian cultures,
it is 'souls' not 'soul.'

Where traditional legends and myths have
survived only through Christian scribes, as with
Scandinavia, then the original complexity of be-
liefs in souls is often blurred by the misunder-
standing of people writing from the simpler
Christian worldview of a single soul (more-or-
less equating to the 'life soul' alone). Or, the
souls only appear in disguised form:

Two ravens sit on Odin's shoulders and
speak into his ear all the news they see or
hear. Their names are Hugin and Munin.
He sends them out at dawn to fly over all
the world and they return at dinnertime.
As a result he gets to find out about many
events. (Snorri Sturluson)

Clearly ravens are Otherworldy birds and fea-
ture in both literature and visual art of the pe-
riod. The names Hugin and Munin translate
roughly as 'thoughf and 'memory /mind.' So on
the face of this these birds are distinct from
souls. But the idea that Odinn can 'project his
mind', to use modern parlance, in shared with
pre-Christian Scandinavian beliefs about souls -
even if Snorri, writing in the thirteenth century,
would have little or no awareness of this.

Such blurring of 'soul' and 'mind' in Anglo-
Saxon thinking is also revealed by King Alfred's
translation of Boethius. The Latin makes a clear
distinction between 'soul' and 'mind' and, while
Old English has both sapol and mod, Alfred uses
them interchangeably so fails to retain Bo-
ethius' s distinction between soul and mind. Fur-
thermore, Alfred also uses mod to translate ego
(i.e. T or 'me') (Tolley 2009: 178-9).

Souls, Consciousness and 'Other-Than-
Human-Persons'

Alfred is all-but anticipating someone of today
who uses the words 'consciousness', 'mind',
'self-identity' and maybe even 'soul' as all-but
indistinguishable terms. Indeed secular Western
thought has substituted 'consciousness' for the
Christian concept of 'soul.' And, just as Western-
ers find it hard to think of having more than one
soul, we find it even harder to think of have
more than one consciousness. And, outside the
realms of cognitive science and neuroscience,
few people are happy to believe that conscious-
ness is just an illusion.

Here is not the place to rehearse why we
think we 'have' a consciousness (for a useful
summary see Danser 2005 Ch.ll, which in turns
draws on Searle 1997 and Blackmore 2003). Suf-
fice to note that the same 'theory of mind' that
creates our own sense of unified consciousness

Vol. 3 NO. 2

16

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

also allows us to infer the emotional responses
in other people (an ability impaired in people
with autistic traits).

This ability also spills over into projecting
anthropomorphic emotions onto pet animals,
and even inanimate objects such as teddy bears
and other cuddly toys. The same theory of mind
is exploited in artificial intelligence - both in the
underlying belief that a computer can to some
extent 'replicate' consciousness and in the ease
with which people emotionally engage with a
wide range of computer-generated avatars.

While inevitably offending all believers in
deities, clearly the same theory of mind creates
our concepts of deities. I am not the first to note
that the wide spectrum of personality types
found among deities - from macho 'smiting
thine enemies' ones (such as Yahweh or Jupiter)
through to compassionate all-forgiving father
figures, (such as Jesus) and the various female
counterparts (from Kwan Yin to the Blessed Vir-
gin Mary) with considerable diversity in be-
tween - seem to reflect entirely human aspira-
tions. On the basis of all the available evidence,
we create deities according to our desires.On a
similar basis we create a variety of 'invisible
friends' and 'intimate friends' such as imaginary
childhood companions (see Hallowell 2007 for
one of the most insightful studies) through to
the daimons, genii, guardian angels - and Chris-
tian saints - known as long ago as late antiquity
(Brown 1981: 501; 55). Self-evidently the whole
spectrum of souls and spirit-deities can also be
seen to manifestations of the same 'theory of
mind,' the same responses to externalising our
desires in an anthropomorphic manner.

However to deem any of these - from hum-
ble souls through to omnipresent supreme be-
ings - as 'nothing but' mental projections is not
my purpose. Rather, I will continue to explore
these 'manifestations' as being of interest in
their own right.

In English the word 'person' has a fairly nar-
row sense, whereas in nonwestern cultures there
is often a sense that human persons are just part
of a spectrum of person-like entities. Irving Hal-
lowell invented the phrase 'other-than-human-
persons' to describe Ojibwe beliefs (Hallowell

Vol.3

I960, discussed in Harvey 2005 33-40) and it is a
phrase which provides very useful way to think
collectively of souls, spirits and deities.

This sense of 'otherthanhumanpersons' is
central to Graham Harvey's reappraisal of ani-
mistic religions which sees animism as far more
than an ethnocentric dismissal of 'belief in spir-
its' (Harvey 2005). While Harvey's view provide
a helpful perspective on these discussions about
souls and spirit-deities I have resisted the temp-
tation to use the word 'animism' in this work as
anyone only familiar with its 'old school' usage
would be confused while anyone who is famil-
iar with Harvey's view will readily see that my
ideas fit comfortably within his broader ap-
proach.

Souls and Ghosts

Just as two or more souls are almost ubiquitous
outside the West, so too is the distinction be-
tween souls and spirits. Traditional beliefs about
whether or not souls can become 'ghosts' are
very varied. However, such ghosts remain
linked to the ideas about souls and, unlike
Christian concepts of ghosts, are not deemed to
part of the spirit realm. However, unlike Chris-
tians, traditional cultures may have difficulty
distinguishing spirits from gods.

However Christianity is more complex than
its creeds might suggest. On the one hand Chris-
tianity asserts that there is one God, so spirits
and souls are something else. However Christi-
anity also declares that the 'godhead' is a Holy
Trinity of God the Father, God the Son and a
much less well-understood entity called either
the Holy Ghost or the Holy Spirit, which - at
least in more popular piety - is linked to the
breath. So, Christianity too has inherited some
of this pre-Christian complexity. Just as Classical
Greek religious beliefs reveal traces of their ori-
gins among earlier Thracian and Iranian tribes,
so too Christianity reveals a synthesis with the
ideas it claims to have superseded.

Further complexity about souls is integral to
one of the key beliefs of medieval Christianity -
that on the Day of Judgement everyone's bones
will be reunited with their souls and they will be
resurrected. Analysis of this belief usually fo-

NO. 2 17

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

cuses on whether not a person's soul has been
deemed to be redeemed of sin and thereby eligi-
ble for this resurrection. There may also be some
concerns about how few bones need to be re-
tained to effect this resurrection - the practical
outcome was that skulls and long bones made
their way into charnel houses or crypts while
the rest of the bones were repeatedly disturbed
by later burials as the churchyards became ever-
more crowded. But what is ignored is that this
Christian creed requires a belief that both the
soul and the body in some sense 'live on' until
the Day of Judgement and the final resurrection.
This is much more like the 'bone soul' /'breath
soul' dualism seen in nonwestern cultures.

The Spirit-Deities of the Orient

'Unpacking' the cultural biases of Christianity
can be tricky - it's a bit like trying to look at the
outside of a goldfish bowl while still swimming
inside it. Sometimes it's much easier to under-
stand other people's cultures than the ones
we've grown up in. On the basis that readers
have no recollections of living in Indian about
2,000 to 2,300 years ago and practising Bud-
dhism, this era is about as 'other' to modern
Western thinking as we can go and still have
reasonably detailed information. A small num-
ber of texts and carvings still survive to offer
some insights. They reveal that by 2,000 years
ago we have gone back far enough in the history
of Buddism for boddhisatvas to still in the fu-
ture. Instead various 'spirit-deities' are vener-
ated.

These early texts and carvings formed the
basis of a wonderful book by Robert DeCaroli
called Haunting the Buddha: Indian popular relig-
ions and the formulation of Buddhism (DeCaroli
2004). At the risk of oversimplifying Decaroli's
discussions, he looked at Buddhist texts and
statues from the three centuries before the Chris-
tian era. In particular, he looked at the many
various Sanskrit names for ghosts and spirits -
and the way they had been grouped together in
all sorts of different ways by different writers.
He noted that these assorted ghosts and spirits
these blur into devas and yaksas. Devas are gods -
or, more usually, demigods - and yaksas are local

Vol.3

spirits of place (what the Romans called genii
loci). Collectively he refers to all these ghosts,
spirits, demigods and spirits of place as 'spirit-
deities'. Later they would blur into boddhisat-
vas, but only during a later period of Buddhism
than that studied by DeCaroli.

DeCaroli spends considerable time establish-
ing that these spirit-deities are part of the
laukika. This word, meaning 'customary' or
'prevalent,' refers to the village religious prac-
tices which predate Buddhism in India - the
same local practices which evolved into the
Hindu practices of rural India today. By its very
nature, laukika varies from place-to-place. But it
always involves the worship of a chthonic local
spirit-deity (in recent centuries most commonly
the Mother Goddess known as Mata or Devi or
a local byname; see Chandola 2007). Unlike
Buddhism or Christianity, laukika has no 'creed'
and does not offer enlightenment or salvation.
The laukika practices both offer respect to the
spirit-deity and, where deemed appropriate,
seek to benefit from the shakti of the spirit-deity.
I'll return to the concept of shakti later.

Much as Decaroli's wonderful study de-
serves more attention, for present purposes I
want to move swiftly on to another unique in-
sight into poplar Oriental rituals. Again this of-
fers insights into the centuries just before the
Christian era. But the country is China and the
popular practice is known - at least to Western-
ers - as Taoism. The Belgian scholar Kristofer
Schipper became, in the early 1960s, the first
Westerner to be trained in the inherited family
traditions of the Taoist religion. Only, no ordi-
nary Chinese person would call themselves a
Taoist - only a trained master is referred to this
way (Schipper 2000: 3). And, until recently,
when a word with the literal meaning of 'sectar-
ian doctrine' was invented to translate the Eng-
lish word 'religion,' the Chinese did not have a
word which equated to the Western notion of
religion (exactly as the Indian word laukika re-
fers only to customary or prevalent practice,
without the dogmatic associations of the West-
ern word 'religion').

Even more so than Indian laukika, Chinese
customary practice has no faith or creed or

i.2 18

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

dogma. These customary practices include per-
forming the essential rituals at the four most
important annual feasts: New Year; honouring
the earth god in spring and autumn; and feed-
ing the hungry spirits (or 'orphan souls') on the
fifteenth day of the seventh moon. These rituals
honour Heaven, Earth and the local godsaint
(Schipper 2000: 22-3). In the absence of a for-
mally trained priest, one family (elected annu-
ally) in each village will take on the role of or-
ganising the rituals. While such rituals can be-
come elaborate, the only essential requirement is
an incense-burner (a metal or ceramic container,
almost always antique) which is regarded as a
representation of the sacred mountain.

While such rituals were repressed during the
Maoist years, they survived in Taiwan and
Hong Kong, and have regained importance in
mainland China during recent decades. Sadly
the many Taoist monasteries in China did not
survive the Cultural Revolution and seem un-
likely to reappear.

What is clear from Schipper's intimate
knowledge of both contemporary Taiwanese
practices and the early Taoist literature is that
these locally based venerations focus on what he
calls 'local god-saints' in a manner closely
analogous to DeCaroli's descriptions of spirit-
deities in early Buddhism and the localised
Mata / Devi worship among rural Hindus today.

Just as Taoism is used by Western academics
to refer to the nameless localised Chinese cus-
tomary practices, so too Hinduism is a word in-
vented in the mid-nineteenth century by West-
erns to refer collectively to the religious activi-
ties of the Indus peoples; only with the rise of
Indian nationalism was the word 'Hindu' used
by Indians themselves to refer to their religion.
In a similar way the name Shinto has been im-
posed on the originally unnamed spirit-worship
which characterise pre-Buddhist religion in Ja-
pan.

Shinto has no gods, scriptures or a founder,
so it fits in poorly with Western notions of relig-
ion. Shinto rituals honour kami - which denotes
a combination of transcendent power, otherness
and mystery - which manifests through all sorts

Vol.3

of forms and places, as a tree or a rock or
through a powerful person.

Although such spirits are often collectively
referred to as kami, strictly kami are only the
most powerful of four types of spirits. There are
also tama (ancestral ghosts); neglected ghosts
(equating to the hungry ghosts and orphan
souls of the Chinese worldview); and rather
nasty 'witch-animals', of which the fox is the
most prevalent.

Although Shinto was recognised as a distinct
religion many centuries ago, it happily coexists
with Buddhism and other religions - Shinto fol-
lowers often also practise Buddhism simultane-
ously. Shinto has changed considerably - more
than once - as a result of Japanese political up-
heavals. In the nineteenth century Shinto was
adopted as a 'national religion' (in the same way
the Church of England is respected in British
State rituals) but historically - and in local prac-
tice - Shinto is much more a 'grass roots' tradi-
tion than anything 'top down.'

Kami, 6dr and Potentia
Looking more closely at the other-than-human-
persons best described as 'spirit-deities' reveals
extensive cross-cultural parallels. In my online
essay Souls, Spirits and Deities (Trubshaw 2012) I
show how the same broad span of cultures also
recognises a 'potency' that is materialised
through these spirit-deities (and sometimes also
through trees, rocks, and living humans). By
looking at closely at Christian practice in Britain
before about the eleventh century we seem to be
seeing an unbroken continuity from earlier
north European worldviews about 66r - the 'en-
ergy' which manifests 'in' Odinn (whose name
therefore should be understood as 'full of 65r)
and presumably other gods and in sacred places
- through to the doctrines associated with poten-
tia which can best be thought of as the power of
Christ manifesting through early saints and
their relics.

As academics are beginning to discern (see
Carver et al. 2010) we are hard pushed to recog-
nise a clear boundary between 'pagan' and early
Christian worldviews. So, even though the 'exe-
gesis' of potentia reflects the Church's doctrines,

1.2 19

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

the underlying concept of an 'otherworldly'
energy manifesting through powerful people,
objects and places is close kin to the Scandina-
vian concept of 65r and so possibly a direct con-
tinuity of the similar (but less clearly under-
stood) ideas associated with the Old English
word ond. In my more extended online essay
Souls, Spirits and Deities (Trubshaw 2012) I look
in more detail at almost worldwide ethno-
graphic accounts of energies which manifest
through 'sacred' people, places and objects in
the same manner as early Christian ideas of po-
tentia.

To understand this Anglo-Saxon worldview
we need to at least partially strip away changes
in Christian belief over the last thousand years.
However we must be careful not to strip away
too much. Popular thinking about the Dark
Ages has yet to properly recognise that early
Christianity is not so much a break with pagan-
ism but rather a continuity of early outlooks and
practices, albeit with the 'meaning and signifi-
cance' somewhat shifted.

This article is based on the opening section of
Bob Trubshaw's Souls, Spirits and Deities, pub-
lished online at:

www.hoap.co.uk/ general.htm#ssd

References

Blackmore, S (2003). Consciousness: An Introduc-
tion. London: Hodder and Stoughton.

DeCaroli, R. (2004) Haunting the Buddha: Indian
popular religions and the formulation of Buddhism
Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Hallowell, A. I. (1960). 'Ojibwa Ontology, Behav-
iour and World View' in Stanley Diamond (ed)
Culture in History: Essays in honor of Paul Radin
Columbia UP; reprinted in G. Harvey (ed), Read-
ings in Indigenous religions. London: Continuum
(2002).

Hallowell, M. (2007), Invizikids: The curious
enigma of 'imaginary' childhood friends, Heart of
Albion.

Harvey, G. (2005). Animism: Respecting the living
world. London: Hurst.

Lopatin, I. A. (1960). 'Origin of the native
American steam bath', American Anthropologist,
Vol. 62, pp. 977-92.

Searle, J.R. (1997) The Mysteries of Consciousness.
New York Review of Books; reprinted Granta
(1998).

Schipper, K. M. (2000). The Taoist Body. Univer-
sity of California Press.

Tolley, C. (2009). Shamanism in Norse Myth and
Magic (2 Vols), Academia Scientaum Fennica
(Helsinki).

Brown, P, (1978). The Making of Late Antiquity,
Harvard: Harvard University Press.

Brown, P (1981). The Cult of Saints: Its rise and
function in Latin Christianity. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press.

Chandola, S. (2007). Entranced by the Goddess:
Folklore in north Indian religion, Explore Books.

Danser, S. (2005) The Myths of Reality. Alternative
Albion.

Trubshaw, B. (2012) Souls, Spirits and Deities,
Heart of Albion; published online at
www.hoap.co.uk/ general.htm #ssd

Since childhood Bob has been
interested in photography and all
aspects of landscape, especially
geology and archaeology. He
graduated as an industrial de-
signer and worked in various as-
pects of the plastics industry
from the mid-1970s until 2001.
In 1986 he returned to Leices-
tershire and became deeply in-
volved in various aspects of local
history and folklore. At the end
of 2010 he moved to Avebury.

Vol. 3 NO. 2

www.hoap.co.uk

20

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

SoundScape and the Culture of War on an American Civil War Bat-
tlefield: An Ethnography of Communication with Past Presences

John G.Sabol
I 1

Today, there are historic battlefields where the
sounds of combat are recorded and perceived as
'authentic' auditory markers from the past. In-
dividuals have reported the sounds of gunfire,
cannonade, and the voices of soldiers in battle.
Are these perceptions and recordings the traces
of material remains of past combat, misinterpre-
tations of contemporary (and naturally recur-
ring) phenomena, or configurations of imagina-
tive minds? Is it possible to identify and isolate
geographical areas that exhibit a repeating and
patterned auditory character from the past? If
this past auditory character exists, is it a residual
element, or can it be explored as a manifestation
of still 'active' past presence ('a ghost')?

Many battlefields of the American Civil War
are perceived as 'hallowed ground' (McPherson
2003). At these sites, ritualized activities (such as
reenactments, monument memorialization, and
individual / group 'offerings' of remembrance)
are practiced. Some of these 'rituals' have be-
come part of a recurring (albeit habitual) activity
('anniversary date' celebrations) for a number of
decades. The memory of the American Civil War
has become a social fixture in the American psy-
che since the centennial years of 1961-1965 (cf.
Weeks 2003). Has this ritualized activity opened-
up a 'portal' to the past? Has it created a cogni-
tive signature or 'morphogenetic field' (Shel-
drake 1994) on some battlefields? Are the 'mani-
festations' that are reported by many individu-
als today a result of this new morphogenetic
field? Has a 'cumulative memory' emerged from
the repetition of similar acts on these battle-
fields? Have reenactments, ghost tours, ghost
tour /investigations, and widespread 'ghost
hunting' created an expanded morphic field of
battlefield presence that is perceived as a haunt-
ing by phantom 'ghost soldiers'? If so, are these
manifestations actual presences from the past, or
are they 'cultural imagineerings' of what 'ghost

Vol.3

hunters' and ghost tour operators commonly
(and inaccurately) perceive as Civil War 'com-
bat'? Has a misperception of Civil War combat
(sightings of men 'drilling' on a battlefield, sin-
gle and sporadic gunfire, the absence of real
sensory elements of battlefield death and injury,
the absence of the 'smell' of death, etc.) merely
created 'tulpas' or 'egregores' as thought forms,
rather than 'true' presences?

The purpose of this paper is to present the
results of a series of 'ghost excavations' that
were conducted at one American Civil War bat-
tlefield. The focus of these 'excavations' was to
explore the reality of these perceptions and
manifestations of past presence through con-
trolled and directed fieldwork. The site chosen
for our 'ghost excavations' was the Antietam
battlefield, located in Sharpsburg, Maryland.
This battlefield was the site of the single bloodi-
est day of combat in American history, with
more than 26,000 casualties (killed, wounded,
and missing). Our non-evasive 'excavation' in-
volved a phenomenological exploration of vari-
ous militarily perceived spaces on the battle-
field. These spaces were analyzed through the
use of contextual 'soundmarks' and the effect of
replaying these soundmarks in specific battle-
field areas and their relation (if any) to per-
ceived haunting phenomenon. We used sound-
marks because 'they create an extremely impor-
tant continuity with the past' (Truax 1984:59).
This analysis of one aspect of a battlefield setting
is based on the fieldwork of Mark Nesbitt (2005)
who states that the most common form of
'haunting' manifestation on these battlefields is
an auditory one, constituting more than 60% of
all reported phenomenon (2005:16). It was also
based on the assumption that the 'life' of any
period is always immersed in a matrix of acous-
tic information. Our fieldwork was conducted
using 'soundmarks' as 'triggers' for immersive
acts in 'acoustical communication' (Truax 1984).

NO. 2 21

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

This involved an 'excavation' that attempted to
unearth material remains as auditory elements
of past presence in specific and different physi-
cal spaces on the Antietam battlefield. Our work
was meant to analyze the perception of the con-
temporary reality of acoustic phenomena in spe-
cific spaces of an American Civil War battlefield,
and their relation in the development of a per-
ceived 'haunted' battlefield.

In our investigation, a number of methodo-
logical avenues merge. These include:

* The use of soundscape analysis as 'com-
municational,' following the work of
Truax (1984);

* The use of audio scene analysis, as de-
veloped in perception psychology
(Bregman 1994), and applied in auditory
archaeological fieldwork by Mills (2001)
in his documentation of auditory past
presence;

* The use of an 'ethnography of communi-
cation' as developed by Dell Hymes and
other social linguists in analyzing the
'culture of war' (Fussell 2008) of the
American Civil War; and

* The use of morphic resonance theory
(Sheldrake 1994) to account for the pres-
ence of auditory phenomenon from the
past.

Theory

The most common approach to investigating
anomalous sounds heard on an American Civil
War battlefield is to conduct a 'ghost hunt,' us-
ing tech devices to record and measure the con-
temporary ambient environment (Potts 2004).
This physical, mechanistic approach is a limited
view of what actually remains on these battle-
fields. This limitation involves 'the unques-
tioned association of technology with detection'
(Potts 2004:222). The 'link between the alleged
anomaly and the technology used to represent
it... [however]... remains unexamined' (Ibid:222).
Besides, many recordings of 'anomalous' sounds
are taken in general surface sweeps, or are heard
(not recorded). The missing link, I propose, is
cultural context, or, in the context of our investi-

Vol.3

gation, the sonic context. We can come to a better
understanding of what these anomalous sounds
(including EVP recordings) are on Civil War bat-
tlefields, I propose, if we 'open ourselves to new
ideas and combination of ideas (my emphasis) that
might explain part or all of a ghost experience'
(Auerbach 2004:238).

I propose that perceiving a battlefield as a
varied soundscape setting, within the landscape
of combat and non-combat zones, can produce a
solid baseline in which we can analyze the most
common form of anomalous manifestation on
these Civil War battlefields: auditory manifesta-
tions. In our 'excavation,' we view the sound-
scape as 'communicational' (Truax 1984) to a
specific acoustic community. The auditory
communication of a soundscape is defined as
'any soundscape in which acoustic information
plays a pervasive role in the lives of the inhabi-
tants (no matter how the commonality of such
people is understood)' (Truax 1984:58). For pur-
poses of our investigation, this 'commonality'
centered on 'Inherent Military Probability'
(I.M.P.) behavior of the 'culture of war' (Fussell
2008) during the American Civil War. This I.M.P.
behavior refers to how a soldier would have
acted to particular contextual sounds ('sound-
marks'), in specific situations and particular bat-
tlefield spaces.

The amount of information in an acoustic
situation, even a very simple and repetitive one
(like military drills), requires screening to re-
duce the incoming (and sometimes incoherent)
information that is heard. This screening in-
volves a 'reference to the memory of past expe-
rience' (Truax 1984:17). Truax uses the Vancou-
ver Soundscape Study as an example. In this
study, older individuals detected information
through acoustic cues of patterns of association
that remained in memory. According to Truax
'recalling the context may revive a memory of
the sound, and the sound, if heard again, usu-
ally brings the entire context back to life'
(1984:26).

Our fieldwork was a phenomenological ex-
ploration of this acoustical 'screening' which
helped to direct I.M.P. behavior in particular
spaces during a battle. Within those battlefield

1.2 22

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

spaces, our fieldwork became ethnographic, an
immersion into the American Civil War's 'cul-
ture of war.' Our use of soundmarks (see exam-
ples below) provided a sonic context for social
interaction by screening the information that
may be received by any lingering presences (as a
memory of past experience). Contemporary
ghost hunting, with its 'demand and command'
mentality ('Show us a sign'... 'Is anyone
here?'... 'Do something!'), are not contextual
memories of past experiences in I.M.P. behavior!
Is the creation of a 'sonic context,' in our use of
contextual soundmarks, a 'sound' means to es-
tablish identity and create a social dialogue with
the past? Is past sound (in any form) a recover-
able category of data? The doctoral research of
Mills (2001) in auditory archaeology demon-
strated that sounds are recoverable and that they
are 'critical to understanding past ways of life'
(2001:5). He proposes, as a key element in audi-
tory archaeology, that 'in their daily activities,
people generate acoustic information that is in-
tegral to creating, [and] maintaining... social re-
lations' (Ibid:5).

Following Truax (1984), and critical for
acoustic communication, is the notion of context
and its importance to the understanding of mes-
sages and the circumstances under which these
messages are communicated. This communica-
tion is an exchange, a two-way relationship, of
information. It is not a transfer of energy (where
EMF level is indicative, in a ghost hunt, of a
manifesting past presence). This exchange of
information is based on field resonance, not field
dissonance. The use of tech devices is not within
the cultural or sonic context of the Civil War
soldier. These devices were not used during the
American Civil War, nor were the sounds com-
ing from them (a series of bleeps from a K-2 me-
ter or unnatural sounds from an ovilus). These
sounds are 'noise' or what Mary Douglas calls
'dirt' or 'pollution.'

The experience and memory of battle was
(continues to be?), a highly emotional (and
deadly) experience, not a mechanical response
to the physical nature of combat, measurable by
scientific instruments. These instruments do not
create resonance. We must never lose sight of

Vol.3

the fact that war (and battle) is about sudden
violence and frequent death, especially how it
was 'performed' during the American Civil War.
This had a very specific and uncanny effect on
these men. Battle was a soundscape of emotions,
a field of auditory manifestations. It is important
that we understand these men on their terms.
Their 'culture of war' is not our culture of real-
ity. The fieldwork to recover this soundscape is
not a 'hunt,' but a mode of production (reso-
nance in context). It is recovering what remains
of that soundscape today through resonating
'soundmarks' and contextual cultural scenarios
(performed within the context of an ethnogra-
phy of communication). There are particular so-
cial and cultural fields of activity, and areas of
specific action, that may be unearthed (or re-
awakened) on these battlefields, I propose,
through specific soundmarks.

I propose that past memory (and presence)
can be 'unearthed' through morphic resonance.
The continuous repetition of drills and specific
behaviors in combat, as elements of I.M.P. be-
havior, can create a morphic field framed by
specific soundmarks. A morphic field is the
'means by which the habits' (such as I.M.P. be-
havior),... "are built up, [and] maintained..."
(Sheldrake 1994:110). It is hypothesized that the
use of soundmarks, and the enactment of con-
textual participatory cultural scenarios (in spe-
cific battlefield spaces), act as a form of morphic
resonance and can be used to 'tune-in' to the
sounds of past experiences of I.M.P. behavior of
the American Civil War soldier on the Antietam
battlefield. Quoting Sheldrake, this possibility
would suggest 'the influence of like upon like
through space and time' (IbidTll). Morphic
resonance (like the concept of acoustic commu-
nication in Truax' s theory), 'does not involve a
transfer of energy, but of information' (Shel-
drake 1994:111). This concept of Tike upon like'
(soundmarks and cultural scenarios that imitate
I.M.P. behavioral patterns initiated by auditory
cues), may produce a form of 'auditory commu-
nication' from various past presences on a bat-
tlefield. As Sheldrake states:

i.2 23

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

"What happened in the past can in some
sense become present there again and

thus can act as doorways to realms of

experience that transcend the ordinary
limitations of space and time" (1994:176).
Memory depends upon this morphic reso-
nance, which itself is dependent upon similarity.
The more similar the acoustic cues (as contex-
tual soundmarks) to the sounds that initiated
I.M.P. behaviors in the past, the more specific
and effective the morphic resonance can be-
come. Specific soundmarks, through repeated
use in drill and battle, became habitual alerts to
act in specific ways in particular situations. Over
time, this link between soundmarks /habitual
I.M.P. behaviors became embedded in personal
and cultural memory patterns. It created a mor-
phic field. These soundmarks were distributed
in different topographical / militarily-defined
battlefield zones that associated these sound-
marks with distinct military tasks. These zones
constituted 'taskscapes' (Ingold 1993). It was in
these 'taskscapes' that our ghost excavations
were centered.

If there are interactive hauntings on Ameri-
can Civil War battlefields, and 'live' apparitions
from the past, they may respond to these
soundmark/ cultural scenario recreated events
of I.M.P. behaviors. The morphic resonance pro-
duced by these sounds and acts can be situated
in a resonating field through ethnographic
means. This is achieved, I propose, by using an
'ethnography of communication' (E.O.C.). This
'conceptualizes communication as a continuous
flow of information, rather than as a segmented
exchange of messages' (Lindlof and Taylor
2002:44). In this respect, the ethnography of
communication contrasts with typical EVP re-
cordings in ghost hunting, where a non-
contextual 'demand and command' ('is anyone
here') elicits (if anything), a perceived one or two
word response. An ethnography of communica-
tion in a ghost excavation uses ethnographic
methods (participant-observation) to initiate
auditory communication and continues the dia-
logue through 'target' performances. The
participation / performance acts center on a
shared code (soundmarks), a channel setting

Vol.3

(contextual cultural scenarios), and an event (a
situational I.M.P. behavior on a battlefield) to
transmit the message.

The E.O.C. approach allows us to use acous-
tic markers in conjunction with specific social
acts that are performed in certain situations and
particular spaces. I frame an excavation as an
E.O.C. of various soundmarks within cultural
contextual scenarios. We enact this cultural
resonance as a staged performance ('ghost
script'), observed and recorded before a poten-
tial audience of interested individuals ('ghosts').
I call this ethnographic process 'POP'
(Participate-Observe-Perform). I propose that
POP may unearth a series of auditory commu-
nications with past presences on American Civil
War battlefields. I further propose that this
process can become iterative. It can build a
morphic field of acoustical communication
which would allow investigators to record and
document similar acoustical communications"in
the same physical spaces at a future date. If in-
teractive apparitions remain on American Civil
War battlefields, the use of sonic and cultural
contexts 'might explain part or all of a ghost ex-
perience,' as Auerbach suggests. The following
hypothesis will be used to test this theory in the
field:

If soundmarks, tied to contextual cultural
scenarios recreating I.M.P. behavior of the cul-
ture of war of the American Civil War, are en-
acted in specific militarily recognized spaces,
then the probability of auditory manifestations
from the past is greater than mere chance, coin-
cidence, or ghost hunting subjective perceptions.

The next part of this paper outlines the
methodology that was used to test this hypothe-
sis.

Methodology

In our ghost excavation, I chose those sounds
that facilitated the transmission of information
from one person to another (or group) in the cul-
ture of war, and which produced resonating
elements that linked the present to the past. This
link involved a playback of 'auditory streams'
(any coherent auditory phenomena that is de-
tectable to the human ear), that were contextual

1.2 24

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

sound examples of soundmarks that had initi-
ated I.M.P. behavior in the past. These sound-
marks included:

* Bugle calls;

* Drums;

* A simulated "Rebel Yell"; and

* Period music.

These soundmarks, together with contextual
behaviors /acts (battlefield commands; roll-call),
and resonating dialogue (conversations about
home life; reading of letters sent home by sol-
diers; relatives searching for loved ones on the
battlefield) form part of an auditory ethnogra-
phy of communication (E.O.C.) that produced, I
propose, a field of morphic resonance in particu-
lar spaces on the battlefield.

The battlefield was divided into various and
distinct militarily defined spaces. These spaces
are called the K.O.C.O.A. spaces of a battlefield.
The K.O.C.O.A. was used by military com-
manders during the American Civil War, and
these spaces were defined in the following way:

* 'K' - This was the key area of the battle-
field;

* 'O' - These were the observation areas and
lines of fire on the battlefield;

* 'C - These were the cover and concealed
areas on the battlefield;

* 'O' - These were the obstacles an army
encountered on the battlefield; and

* 'A' - These were the avenues of approach
by which an army engaged the enemy.

We used a series of different cultural
scenarios / soundmarks (relative to I.M.P. behav-
ior) in each of these K.O.C.O.A. spaces. In each
space, we used multiple scenarios. This permit-
ted us to largely avoid confirmation bias. It was
also predicated on the fact that people (even
ghosts?), have likes and dislikes. So, even
though our scenarios and soundmarks were
location-specific (aligned to a particular
K.O.C.O.A. space) culturally contextual (con-
forming to I.M.P. behavior), and resonating
(Tike attracting like'), we did not know (or pre-

Vol.3

sume to know) which scenario, soundmark, or
combination would unearth an auditory com-
munication (if any).

The excavations consisted of 10-12 field-
workers, which included both male and female
investigators. We did two excavations. To main-
tain context and resonance with the actual bat-
tle, the females served as observers /recorders,
except in post-battle scenarios: attending to the
wounded; searching for missing relatives. There
were no female combatants at Burnside Bridge,
that part of the Antietam battlefield where the
ghost excavations were enacted (see below). The
males performed the I.M.P. behaviors and the
playback of the soundmarks. In keeping with
the cultural resonance, we did not use flash-
lights. Both excavations began at 8:00 p.m. and
ended at 2:00 a.m. This allowed us to work un-
burdened by tourists and other visitors (jog-
gers). We used lanterns throughout the investi-
gation. Tech devices were kept to a minimum
(see below).

We used the POP process throughout the
night and during both excavations. The POP
process is not a linear sequence of events. It is a
system of related acts (Participatory acts,
Observations /recordings, and targeted Per-
formances) that operate at different hierarchic
levels. Each action intensifies the level of com-
munication and interaction, and continues the
process of resonance. It unfolds time by enfold-
ing a resonating field of activity. This field in-
creases and strengthens the acoustic
communication / social relationship. The POP
process identifies what Meskell (2004) calls 'cul-
turally stepped moments' (2004:6). These 'mo-
ments' continue, I propose, due to morphic
resonance. A participatory act/ soundmark initi-
ates a contextual communicative event which,
through resonance and memory recall, provides
a link that may initiate an auditory response. If,
and when, this occurs, it is recorded by the team
(through immediate review), and the moment
continues with a targeted response aimed at that
particular situational auditory event. If no re-
sponse is heard or recorded, the next cultural
scenario is enacted, and the process continues
until all scenarios for that particular auditory

1.2 25

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

situation and space are completed. The team
then moves on to the next set of scenarios in an-
other K.O.C.O.A. space.

Our audio recorders (see equipment below)
have a 1, 3, and 6-second delay. We were thus
able to record and verify immediately any audi-
tory responses to any of our soundmarks/
cultural scenarios. This enabled us to follow-up
any manifestation by targeting a specific indi-
vidual and I.M.P. situation. It also allowed
"acoustic communication," and the flow of in-
formation to be more frequent and expansive
which further enhanced the resonance within
the morphic field. This made the process and
communication a potential self-regulating field.
P.O.P. is the core technique of a ghost excava-
tion. When auditory communication was estab-
lished in context to a soundmark/ cultural sce-
nario, we continued the dialogue. Our purpose
was to: (1) Document and record the traces and
fragments of remaining human audio presence;
(2) Establish a controlled process that could be
repeated at a later date with another team; and,
most importantly, (3) Answer some lingering
questions that remain unresolved in the histori-
cal and archaeological record through ethno-
graphic means.

We conducted two extensive ghost excava-
tions at Antietam, each one approximately five
hours long of continuous performance-based
fieldwork. The first occurred on September 25,
2010. This date was chosen, not so much be-
cause it was near the date the battle was fought
(September 17 - the anniversary date), but was
in season (Fall), which itself would foster certain
soundmarks that would naturally resonate with
any lingering presences. The 2 nd date was June
11, 2011. This time was chosen because it did not
resonate with the date or season of the year the
battle was fought. We wanted to compare results
of the two excavations. We used the same sce-
narios with different investigators, and we
added additional contextual scenarios with the
same investigators. The only constant was the
use of the same soundmarks for both excava-
tions. We wanted to test the validity of the
soundmarks as a form of morphic resonance.

One significant question was the death and
burial of Colonel Holmes of the 2 nd Georgia.
Colonel Holmes was one of the last Confederate
soldiers to die at Burnside Bridge. After being
hit several times from rifle fire, he fell, died, and
was then stripped of his regimental ornaments
by soldiers from the 51 st New York (who are
identified in the historical narrative). His boots
were fought over and taken from him, and he
was buried somewhere along the stone wall on
the Union side of Antietam Creek. His remains
have never been identified, recovered, and re-
buried. One of the major goals of our ghost ex-
cavations was to use soundmarks and various
cultural scenarios to create resonance and en-
hance auditory communication with Colonel
Holmes, if his 'ghostly' presence still remains
there at Burnside Bridge. We used various
means to recreate his death, burial, and a post-
battle search for his body. The search phase was
enacted by female investigators portraying his
relatives. During these scenarios, the investiga-
tors used a form of imagined narrative. This in-
volves placing oneself in the character of that
relative as she searched for his remains. The re-
sults of this scenario (and others) are outlined
below (see Investigative Findings).

Equipment

We refrained from using the typical equipment
of a ghost hunt. We did not deploy EMF meter
scans, thermal scans, use Frank's Box or other
similar EVP devices, or other ambient measur-
ing equipment. This was in keeping with main-
taining resonance with the nature of I.M.P. be-
havior of the American Civil War. None of these
devices were known or used during this period.
We believe that the use of this equipment would
identify us as outsiders, rather than the 'band of
brothers' that was typical of Civil War regiments
(soldiers were usually recruited / enlisted from
one area and were well-known to one another).
We did use audio recorders and video cameras
for our investigation. We also used a portable
DVD player to playback period music, the 'Re-
bel Yell,' the sound of drums, bugle calls, and
gunfire.

Vol. 3 NO. 2

26

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

We located various RT-EVP audio recorders
(Model DAS-RT-EVP) with simultaneous
record / playback function and real-time histori-
cal data review functions, during our enactment
of the soundmarks/ cultural scenarios. We used
a 3 and 6 second delay function in these record-
ings, and immediately played-back the record-
ing to hear any responses for immediate follow-
up. We also used digital and 35-mm cameras to
record the landscape setting and scenario setup.
Our video cameras were both stationary and
mobile. We also used a video camera to record
the recorder recording the scenario and /or
soundmark playback. We also created a layered
recording. This involved a preliminary peripa-
tetic walk of each K.O.C.O.A. space before we
enacted the scenario. Subsequently, we played
back this initial recording during the P.O.P.
process. This enabled us to view side-by-side
the before (resonating acts) and during (resonat-
ing acts) and compare the two. In this way, we
could verify that any acoustic communication
was the result of enacting the scenario with the
soundmark, and not a recurring phenomenon of
the contemporary battlefield soundscape.

We were permitted total access to the area
(see below), including wading across Antietam
Creek (in one scenario). The area was secure
from tourist / pedestrian flow. Access to the loca-
tion was blocked. A National Park Service
Ranger patrolled the grounds. His location and
actions were constantly monitored. The only
outside ambient noise came from traffic flow
along a state road that crossed near the 11 th
Connecticut Monument, the location of one of
our scenarios. The road was located about 25
yards away through a thick wooded area. The
relative isolation of the area permitted us to en-
act our scenarios and record the soundscape
without interference and relatively free of back-
ground noise.

Investigative Setting

We chose the military engagements at Burnside
Bridge, part of the battle of Antietam that oc-
curred on September 17 th , 1862. Antietam is the
single bloodiest day of combat in American His-
tory with more than 26,000 casualties (killed,

Vol.3

wounded, and missing). The engagement at
Burnside Bridge in that battle was significant.
According to Tucker (2000):

A relative handful of ragged and barefoot
2 nd and 20 th Georgia soldiers performed
one of the most important military feats of
the war by holding Rohrbach's Bridge
[later renamed Burnside Bridge] for most
of 17 September 1862. These Georgians
were truly Spartans in gray, who fought
against impossible odds to achieve the
Thermopylae of the Civil War (2000:154).

It took the Union forces five hours and five
deadly assaults to cross that bridge. They
achieved that objective largely because the Con-
federate force (approximately 300 men) did not
receive reinforcements and ammunition to con-
tinue the fight. The battle to cross Burnside
Bridge had all the essential elements of acoustic
communication in specific K.O.C.O.A. spaces to
test the hypothesis. The Bridge became the Key
area. The Confederate positions in the trees
along the banks of Antietam Creek became the
Observation area._ There were Confederate Cover
and concealed areas along the ridge. A Union bot-
tleneck Obstacle area was located at the bridge
entrance. The Rohrbach farm road served as the
Union Avenue of approach. Together, these spaces
formed the K.O.C.O.A. area for our ghost exca-
vation. Distinct soundmarks and contextual sce-
narios were used in each of these spaces, which
defined a separate battlefield situation and
linked the present-past fields of action. Specifi-
cally, we used: (1) Historical and contextual dia-
logues, together with music, in cover and con-
cealment positions; (2) We used drums and bu-
gles to muster the men of the 11 th Connecticut.
These soldiers began the 1 st assault on the
bridge. Later, we conducted a roll-call of the
Connecticut dead near their monument, located
in a cover and concealed area. (3) We also had
one of the female investigators read the letter of
an 11 th Connecticut surgeon to his wife which
described the engagement at Burnside Bridge.
She read the letter at the base of the monument;
(4) We played the Rebel Yell along the Confed-

N0.2 27

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

erate cover and concealed positions. Subse-
quently, we replayed it along the Union avenue
of approach on Rohrbach farm road; (5) We read
actual battlefield dialogue in the key area (the
bridge) and in the obstacle areas. In these areas,
we also used the sounds of gunfire, drums, and
bugles; and (6) We read poetry and played mu-
sic in various areas before ending the excava-
tion. We also had male investigators portray
both Union and Confederate officers shouting
out commands in various locations. In the cover
and concealed areas, we sat and played cards,
drank coffee, smoked cigars, and eat. During
each of these participatory acts, we observed
and recorded any auditory responses. If there
was a response, we immediately followed this
with a targeted performance aimed at continu-
ing the scenario and /or soundmark. This was
done in all cases, without regard to verifying
origin or agency. This was meant to continue the
flow of communication. In post-excavation
analysis, we evaluated each and every commu-
nicative event with reference to the P.O.P. proc-
ess.

We had thoroughly researched the engage-
ment at Burnside Bridge. This allowed us to de-
velop a series of contextual scenarios for each
K.O.C.O.A. space. We had historical dialogues,
the position of combat units, the names of indi-
vidual soldiers who fought and died there, and
other vital events that occurred during the five-
hour assault of the bridge. During our participa-
tory scenarios/ soundmark replays, we recorded
(as live acoustic communication) individual
words ('John'), complete sentences ('Are you
Stedman?'; 'Is that you Captain?'), opinions
('traitor'), sounds of men in battle (along the
Rohrbach farm road), singing (at the 11 th Con-
necticut Monument), the sound of a bayonet
thrust (near the Union bottleneck), sounds of
gunfire (throughout the excavation), and an an-
swer from one soldier to the 11 th Connecticut
roll-call.

During the 11 th Connecticut roll-call, I por-
trayed a Union officer. I read the names of those
killed at Burnside Bridge (inscribed on the
monument), pausing between names for the
team to record any responses. To my command,

Vol.3

'Private Lewis Dayton,' someone answered
'Dayton Present.' We did not hear or record any
other responses to the roll-call. While preparing
the next scenario (the reading of a letter from a
11 th Connecticut surgeon to his wife), we did
record a voice saying, 'Are you Stedman?' At the
time of the recording, we did not know who
'Stedman' was. Upon researching the name, we
found that Stedman was a major in the 11 th
Connecticut. He took over command of the
regiment after Colonel Kingsbury was killed
during the 1 st assault of the bridge. His question
to us would be a logical response since we had
just enacted a roll call.

The reading of a letter at the 11 th Connecticut
monument by one of our female investigators
'unearthed' more than a fragmented auditory
communication. It recovered a past 'live' audio
scene that contained many elements of an eth-
nography of communication. During the sce-
nario, we first heard footsteps and the rustling
of brush in the wooded area behind the monu-
ment. This was followed by some investigators
reporting tactile sensations as if they were being
gently touched. These investigators (all female)
were positioned behind the video camera and
out of frame. The video camera itself was physi-
cally moved, and the live video feed was in and
out of focus several times. As the investigator
continued to read the letter, we recorded a man
begin to sing about home (interestingly the
word 'home' was spoken seconds before the in-
vestigator spoke the word in the letter). His
voice was followed by others, joining in at the
end. This recording was homophonic, predomi-
nately a single source but accompanied by oth-
ers as the communication continued. This
homophonic communication occurred several
times during the excavation. It was as if these
individuals were speaking to one another, as
well as to us. This recording contrasts with a
typical EVP, which is usually monophonic (a
single source).

We had other instances of auditory commu-
nication in other K.O.C.O.A. spaces. Each com-
munication event appears to be unique to that
particular space and situation. Did this occur
because our cultural scenarios and soundmarks

.2 28

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

were different in each K.O.C.O.A. space? I don't
know. In future excavations at the site, we will
continue to test and monitor these auditory
communication responses to see if a pattern con-
tinues to unfold in each space. The most signifi-
cant auditory communication was the voiced
response of Colonel Holmes to female relative
pleas for his whereabouts. During the two exca-
vations, separated by nine months (and with
different team compositions and audio equip-
ment), we recorded the same voice, response,
and physical location where he says he is bur-
ied. The auditory communications of Colonel
Holmes are so dramatic (and occurring multiple
times) that they suggest we may have a con-
firmed example of morphic resonance. Did the
female investigators resonate with the past pres-
ence of Colonel Holmes? Did we link present
and past through morphic resonance? We will
continue to develop more cultural scenarios/
soundmarks to test this possibility in future ex-
cavations.

Summary

The multiple scenarios and soundmarks enacted
for Colonel Holmes by different team members
(both male and female), using different audio
and video recorders, at different times of the
year, did produce similar results. When
prompted, Colonel Holmes (or someone) an-
swered] This auditory communication occurred
approximately 75% (11-15) of the time, far above
coincidence. Did a female voice, using expres-
sions of concern and endearment (and highly
emotional) produce a morphic field in which a
doorway 'to realms of experience that transcend
the limitations of space and time' (Sheldrake
1994:176) occur? The answer to that question
may lie in a statement made by Truax (1984): 'A
particular pattern of sound always produces the
same response' (1984:26).

Was that pattern a female voicing her con-
cern for a fallen relative? Was the response,
'Here,' 'over here,' and 'I'm here' repeated nu-
merous times an acoustic communication and a
result of morphic resonance? Habitual responses
(such as the above) can lead to certain types of
behavior (acoustic communication). This link

Vol.3

(sound pattern-habitual response) can lead to a
particular relationship between the person who
is speaking and others in the same environment
(physical /cultural). As Truax states, it is 'the
pattern of sound [that] mediates that relation-
ship' (1984:26). I propose that this mediation is
Sheldrake's morphic resonance.

One may argue that we didn't (couldn't) rec-
reate the auditory soundmarks of Civil War bat-
tle. This is true. But we focused on battlefield
situations and outcomes where we could pro-
duce a resonating field (roll call; cover/
concealed dialogue; search, etc.) Besides, 'one
doesn't have to recreate the exact sound... for it
to be evocative' (Truax 1984:26). The key to this
evocation is memory: 'Patterns in the incoming
signal may be found that match those in storage'
(Truax 1984:26).

Those soldiers who fought and died at Burn-
side Bridge were not raw recruits. They were
veterans of drill and battle. This made a differ-
ence: 'the sound pattern has connected with it
layers of association built up over the years'
(Ibid: 26). We excavated those built up layers of
association at Burnside Bridge. The result is a
solid baseline for further research into a possible
relation between acoustic communication, mor-
phic resonance, and active past presence on
American Civil War battlefields. The excava-
tions will continue at Antietam and other battle-
fields in the near future. The traces that remain
are not ghost stories. They are excavation tales, a
mode of production and recovery of continuing
to record human presences at these sites. Our
ghost excavations at Burnside Bridge explored
the auditory possibilities of that bridge to the
past through the excavation of potential mor-
phic fields.

References

Auerbach, L. (2004). "Afterword" in James Hou-
ran (Ed.) (2004). From Shaman to Scientist: Essays
on Humanity's Search for Spirits. Lanham, Mary-
land: The Scarecrow Press Incorporated, pp.
233-238.

i.2 29

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

Bregman, A.S. (1994) Auditory Scene Analysis: The
Perceptual Organization of Sound. London: MIT
Press.

Fussell, P. (2008). "Reflections on the Culture of
War" in Kent Gramm (Ed.) Battle: The Nature and
Consequences of Civil War Combat. Tuscaloosa:
University of Alabama Press, pp. 1-11.

Ingold, T. (1993). "The Temporality of the Land-
scape." World Archaeology, Vol. 25, pp. 152-74.

Weeks, J. (2003). Gettysburg: Memory, Market, and
an American Shrine. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton
University Press: Princeton.

John Sabol is a cultural anthropolo-
gist, historical archaeologist, actor,
and ghost excavator. He has been
participating in, and supervising,
field investigations since high
school. He has conducted archaeo-
logical research in England, Ger-
many, Mexico, and the United
States. He has done ethnographic
fieldwork in Chiapas State, and in
the Yucatan, Mexico.

www.ghostexcavation.com

Lindlof, T.R. & Taylor, B.C. Qualitative Communi-
cation Research Methods. Thousand Oaks, Cali-
fornia: Sage.

Meskell, L (2004). Object Worlds in Ancient Egypt.
London: Berg.

Mills, S. (2001). The Significance of Sound in Fifth
Millennium, BC Southern Romania: Auditory Ar-
chaeology in the Teleorman River Valley. Unpub-
lished PhD Thesis. University of Wales, Cardiff.

McPherson, J.M. (2003) A Walk at Gettysburg:
Hallowed Ground. New York: Crown Publishers.

Nesbitt, M. (2005). The Ghost Hunter's Field
Guide: Gettysburg and Beyond. Gettysburg, Pa:
Second Chance Publications.

Potts, J. (2004) "Ghost Hunting in the Twenty-
First Century" in J. Houran (Ed.) (2004). From
Shaman to Scientist: Essays on Humanity's Search
for Spirits. Lanham, Maryland: The Scarecrow
Press, Inc. pp. 211-232.

Sheldrake, R. (1994). The Rebirth of Nature: The
Greening of Science and God. Rochester, Vermont:
Park Street Press.

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wood New Jersey: Ablex Publishing Corpora-
tion.

Tucker, PT (2000). Burnside's Bridge: The Climatic
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Vol.3

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

The Effect of Meditation Attainment on Psychic Awareness:

Research With Yogis and Tibetan Buddhists
Serena Roney-Dougal

i-

H is Holiness, the Dalai Lama, is very interested
in science and spirituality coming together, as is
evidenced by the series of "Mind and Life" sci-
ence meetings which link aspects of science with
Tibetan Buddhist teachings. In his book "Free-
dom in Exile," he specifically requests that sci-
ence begin to investigate the Tibetan psychic
traditions, such as the oracles and the Tibetan
divination techniques known as Mo divination.
In a similar manner, since the late 1960s, a re-
nowned yogi, Swami Satyananda Saraswati, in-
corporated science into his books about different
aspects of yoga. In 2001, an invitation to teach
Parapsychology at his Yoga University in his
ashram in Bihar, North India, culminated in a
research programme with the students and the
swamis (Yogic nuns and monks) exploring the
effect of meditation on psychic awareness (psi).

In the yoga teachings of Patanjali, it is stated
that psychic abilities, called siddhis, manifest on
attainment of Samadhi. Samadhi is the state of
consciousness beyond mind, thoughts and mere
awareness; where you become one with the
whole. They say it's blissful; I'd like to get there!
Patanjali devotes a whole chapter to a discus-
sion of the siddhis. In a similar manner, Bud-
dhist teachings say that in order to attain to en-
lightenment you have to first understand/
experience the "clairvoyances." Psychic experi-
ences are a taboo area amongst Western Bud-
dhist practitioners, as quite rightly the teachings
state that the aim is for enlightenment and one
must not be distracted from the path by the psy-
chic experiences. However, as both His Holiness
Dalai Lama and Swami Satyananda recognise, at
some stage in one's practice this level of subtle
awareness starts to manifest. It is better to be
aware of it and deal with the accompanying
problems, such as ego and glamour, that these
abilities bring in their wake, than to ignore them
and fall prey to all the problems that ignorance
brings! Tibetans are very comfortable with this

Vol.3

H

paradox and use psi quite extensively within
their traditional culture, most monasteries hav-
ing a practicing oracle and someone who does
the Mo divination, as well as using astrology
very widely in a predictive sense. Energy, psy-
chic and spiritual healing techniques are com-
monly practiced, and I also came across an in-
stance of exorcism. Most of the villages will also
have lay practitioners of these arts.

Tibetans distinguish two types of "clairvoy-
ance." They consider that the one Western para-
psychologists research is a low-level ability that
is unreliable and subject to fraud. Many people
are considered to have this ability and Tibetans
consider that it is an inherent ability resulting
from past-life karma. The clairvoyance you at-
tain as a result of meditation is considered to be
a high-level ability which is absolutely reliable.

In Buddhism there are two meditation disci-
plines: the shamatha discipline of one-pointed
concentration and the vipassana discipline of
contemplative insight (mindfulness). Many tra-
ditional Mahayana and modern Tibetan Bud-
dhist texts (e.g. Lamrimpa 1995; Conze 1990)
relate meditation attainment in shamatha to de-
velopment of psychic powers. Shamatha medi-
tation techniques are very similar to some yogic
meditation techniques. However, many of the
monks I spoke to about this say that for reliable
clairvoyance you need not only attainment in
shamatha but also Special Insight in vipassana,
and you need to have overcome the obstacles of
the desire realm. So they reckon that reliable
clairvoyance does not come easy - only the very
high lamas can manifest it with 100% reliability
at will!

Of key importance here is that both Yogis
and Buddhists suggest that the initial essential
requirement is practice in one-pointed medita-
tion. So, in the research programme discussed
below, in essence we were using awareness of
psychic impressions as a measure of a shift in

NO. 2

31

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

consciousness; i.e. as one becomes more aware
in general as a result of meditation practice, so
the subtler aspects of awareness increase, such
as becoming more aware of the dream state, be-
coming more aware of subliminal perception
and by extension becoming more aware of psy-
chic impressions. Parapsychological research
over the past 100 years suggests that psychic
information is present at a subliminal level all
the time, but normally it is only in specific cir-
cumstances that we become aware of this infor-
mation. However, going into an altered state,
such as dreaming, or practicing meditation, in-
creases the availability of this information in
that we become more aware of the subtler as-
pects of our mind.

There are two possible interpretations of
Patanjali's sutras and the Buddhist teachings.
The first is that as one practices meditation so,
bit-by-bit, one's psychic awareness begins to
manifest as one's consciousness changes. The
other is that the psychic abilities manifest only
once Samadhi has been obtained, a byproduct of
Samadhi so to speak. So we decided to look at
these two possible interpretations of the teach-
ings, by seeing whether or not there was differ-
ence in clairvoyance and precognition depend-
ent on for how long meditation had been prac-
ticed.

For two years we developed the research
methodology and design in the Bihar ashram,
and gradually worked out the best method to
test for precognition and clairvoyance in a way
that was acceptable to people who are not scien-
tifically minded. Using a laptop computer,
which could be used wherever was most con-
venient for the participants, we asked the medi-
tator to make an intent to become aware of a
"target" picture (or sometimes we used video
clips), which they would see on the computer at
the end of the meditation. They were then
guided to do 15 minutes meditation followed by
an "awareness" period. Then they drew out and
described what they had become aware of dur-
ing this period. They were then shown four pic-
tures, one of which was the "target" picture and
they rated all four, dependent on how similar
they thought the picture was to their awareness

Vol.3

experience. Then they got to see the target pic-
ture. In clairvoyance trials the computer chose
the picture at the beginning of the sessions; for
the precognition trials the picture was chosen
only after the four pictures had been rated. The
computer programme (PreCOG) was developed
for this research by Jezz Fox.

This clairvoyance / precognition design has
both a randomised double-blind design and in-
built fraud control, so there is no need for spe-
cially designed rooms or any other laboratory
facilities. Therefore it is ideal for research "in the
field." It is also a suitable method to use with
Tibetan people who have a tradition of precog-
nition (oracles and Mo divination) being used by
the lamas in their monasteries, as well as the use
of clairvoyance for various purposes, such as
discovering reincarnated monks (known as
tulkus). I found it amazing that computer laptop
technology enabled me to carry a scientific labo-
ratory around with me on my back up moun-
tains in the Himalayas to monks who were liv-
ing and practicing in an environment which had
not changed for hundreds of years!

We did a total of four experiments: two in
the ashram, and two in various Tibetan monas-
teries in India. The results we got with the swa-
mis in the ashram suggested that psychic
awareness does start to manifest bit-by-bit as
one practices meditation, showing a clear differ-
ence from the psi scoring of the beginners to that
of the monks and nuns who had done at least 20
years of meditation, and who had dedicated
their whole lives to the ashram life. This showed
up most strongly in the consistency with which
the monks and nuns showed evidence of psi, all
of them choosing the target correctly once out of
three times, where chance is once every four
times. In parapsychology research this is con-
sidered to be reasonably good evidence that psi
is present and is typical for altered states re-
search, such as research into dreaming or altered
states of consciousness. The students however,
who had typically practiced meditation for less
than two years, showed the typical pattern of
some people being really very psychic some-
times with others showing little evidence of psi
abilities. One factor that came out when ques-

i.2 32

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

Fig. 1 : Dawn in Zhanskar, Ladakh, just prior to doing a research session. What a fantastic location !

tioning the participants about their practice, was
that it was those who practiced regularly who
tended to show the greatest level of psychic
awareness.

It was decided to extend this research to Ti-
betan Buddhists, who have an extensive tradi-
tion of psi being used by advanced meditators.
Because His Holiness, Dalai Lama has asked for
scientists to do research into Tibet's psychic tra-
ditions I wrote to him suggesting that, as I was
in India doing this research, it could be ex-
tended to Tibetan monks and nuns. His secre-
tary wrote back saying they would welcome the
research if I found a Buddhist Institute to over-
see it. A fantastic piece of synchronicity led me
to Geshe Jampel Dhakpa, the principal of a Ti-
betan college near to Dharamsala, which is
where His Holiness the Dalai Lama lives, and I
worked with Geshe Jampel' s help for the next 3
years.

We started by working with Western stu-
dents of Buddhist meditation at Tushita retreat

Vol. 3 NO.

centre in Dharamsala, moving on to working
with Buddhist monks who are beginners in
meditation, at the largest Gelugpa monastic
university in South India called Sera Jey, where
there are 5,000 monks, through to monks who
are more advanced meditators, such as those
who have done a three year retreat at the Ny-
ingma Namdroling monastery, also in South In-
dia, and with one old lama who had lived for 35
years in a monastery high up in a mountain val-
ley in Ladakh. That was most certainly the high
point - both literally at 4,000m and spiritually!

Eighteen monks completed the required
minimum of 8 sessions. We asked people to do
at least 8 sessions so that we could have a really
good idea of their level of psi under test condi-
tions. The Tibetans completely accepted this, as
they have a tradition that you need to be tested
7 times to show the real extent of your ability.

We also developed a meditation question-
naire that assessed the number of years and
hours the person had practiced meditation, in-

2 33

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

eluding several different types of meditation
practise. We had to use this type of assessment
because one of the Tibetan values that they ad-
here to strongly is that of humility. No monk
would say that he was advanced meditator -
they all said that they were not very good at it
and were just beginners. Likewise no monk
would ever say that they were psychic - such
pride and grandiosity goes completely against
all of their teachings. Also they make vows of
secrecy when being initiated into different medi-
tation techniques. They believe in secrecy - not
telling anyone the practices they are doing, let
alone how advanced they are. We in the West
could maybe learn from this.

We used the same basic procedure that we
had developed in the ashram, making minor
changes such as using only pictures from Tibet
and India as the target pictures so that they
would be culturally familiar. The software
guided the participant through the procedure,
and as this was in English a tape was made with
the instructions in Tibetan so that the participant
just put on the tape and followed the instruc-
tions. There were 25 sets of 4 photographs each,
all of which were pictures of Tibet or, in the sec-
ond series of Tibet and India. PreCOG chose a
set of photos at random, such that the person
never got the same set twice, and then a picture
at random from the set. That way neither I nor
the participant had any idea what picture they
would be getting as their "target." We found
that the number of times the person correctly
chose the target was related to both how old
they were and how many years they had been
practising. Thus the interpretation of the teach-
ing that one's consciousness changes bit-by-bit
as you practice seems to be the correct one. In
other words, do your meditation every day con-
sistently and sooner or later you will start to no-
tice the changes, as is shown so beautifully in
this Tibetan painting, which is at the entrance to
Sera Mey temple in southern India.

There was no difference between the clair-
voyance and precognition trials, which goes
against the common expectation that it's easier
to be clairvoyant because at least the target is
already there, so to speak. This does however

Vol.3

Fig 2: Depiction of a monk's progress on the path. Bit by bit
the changes happen as shown by the elephant and monkey
slowly turning from black to white.

match with what is found in parapsychology,
which is that there are as many reports of spon-
taneous precognition experiences as there are of
clairvoyance.

The chart above shows the relation between
the psi scoring and the number of years that the
monks had been practising meditation. It can be
seen that most people were relative beginners
with less than 10 years of practice. Those who
have more than ten years practice are scoring
noticeably better than most of the others. But
what is most significant are the lamas who have
done 32 and 40 years of practise - they are way
out in front! Also it can be seen that, with the
beginners, in general there was a trend towards
'psi-missing,' which means that the people
tended to NOT choose the target picture much

.2 34

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

more than would be expected by chance. This is
a well-known phenomenon in parapsychology
called 'psi-missing.' It seems that psi-missing is
related to one's attitude, to defense mechanisms,
to 'blocks' of different sorts, and other psycho-
logical processes which are normally uncon-
scious. There are many possible reasons for psi-
missing. The most obvious possibility here is
that it was their first exposure to science. Only
in the past four years had there been any science
taught to the monks at Sera Jey, and that as a
voluntary class during their lunch break. This
means that very few monks have any idea about
science, its methodology, premises, etc., and
most are very suspicious of it considering that
science is responsible for the breakdown of
spiritual traditions. To find any monks willing
to participate was possible only because His Ho-
liness, Dalai Lama is so keen on Buddhist teach-
ings being related to scientific findings. The
monks were therefore doing something very
alien to them and, for most, primarily because
His Holiness supports meditation research.

Of great interest however, is that there were
three participants who scored most strongly in
the psi-missing direction, one Geshe (a Geshe is
a monk who has done the equivalent of a PhD in
Buddhist philosophy) and two Rinpoches (a
Rinpoche is a monk who is thought to have been
a high lama in a previous incarnation and to
have consciously chosen to reincarnate for the
sake of helping all of us to enlightenment - also
known as a tulku). These three participants all
reported, quite independently of each other, and
not knowing the other participants, that as chil-
dren they had had memories of previous lives as
monks in Tibet during the Chinese invasion -
with the resultant imprisonment, torture and
death. Two of these reports were independently
confirmed and verified by relatives. No other
participant made such a report. Whilst there has
been considerable research with children who
talk about a previous life, these have all been
cases where there was no particular training in
passing through the intermediate period be-
tween one life and the other with the conscious
intention to reincarnate. Here we have a group
who are considered to have mastered this task -

and we find with them that there is significant
scoring, albeit in the psi-missing direction.
Could it be that there is some sort of psi block in
operation here? Owing to trauma from a mem-
ory holding over from what may have been a
previous life? Far-fetched, but well worth specu-
lating about!

Whatever might be the cause of their psi-
missing, this is certainly an unexpected and in-
teresting correlation worthy of much discussion.
This psi-missing of the Rinpoches is shown very
clearly in the graph below, which also shows
how it is only the lamas, who were the most ex-
perienced meditators, who are showing evi-
dence of correctly choosing the target more of-
ten than you would expect. However we ideally
need to work with ten times as many partici-
pants to confirm these results. This is a good
first step, but it is only a first step and more
work needs to be done.

Of concern however is that this psi-missing
amongst the younger people distorts the correla-
tion. This correlation significance in meditation
studies occurring partially as a result of psi-
missing was also found by previous parapsy-
chologists. In those studies meditators showed
psi-missing prior to meditation with psi-hitting
after meditation. They considered that these re-
sults were more due to the participants con-
forming to the experimenters' wishes than to the
effect of meditation per se.

Conclusion

This first formal experiment of the hypothesis,
that years of practice of meditation affects one's
change in awareness at the clairvoyance and
precognitive level, gives support to the Yogic
and Buddhist teachings which state that such
abilities arise as a result of meditation attain-
ment. There are now four studies which all
point to more advanced meditators scoring bet-
ter than beginners, but it is not clear-cut exactly
what this means because, in two of the studies,
the correlation occurs primarily because of psi-
missing by many of the participants.

Acknowledgements

Vol. 3 NO. 2

35

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

Deep gratitude to His Holiness, Dalai Lama,
whose request for science to investigate Tibetan
psychic traditions initiated this study; to Perrot-
Warwick Fund and Bial Foundation, grant no.
64/04, for their financial support of this re-
search, without which it could not have hap-
pened; to Tenzin Geyche Tethong whose sup-
port enabled the grants to be obtained; to Geshe
Jampel Dhakpa of Sarah College who affiliated
this project to his Institute and has guided and
assisted all the way; to Khangser Rinpoche for
his assistance in enabling the research to take
place at Sera Jey Monastic University; to the
translators: Gen Andu at Sera Jey, Choegyal
Wandu and Orgyen Norbu at Namdroling, Ten-
zin Dhakpa at Zanskar and Dalden Gowa Otsal
at Leh, Ladakh; to all the participants who
shared most kindly of their time and expertise;
to Guru Tinley for helping find my translator
and participant at Namdroling; to Acharya
Ngawang Nyima for help finding participants at
Sera Jey; to "Science Meet Dharma" for their
support of this project at Sera Jey; to Chockor
Rinpoche for his excellent recording of the in-
structions in Tibetan used by so many partici-
pants and to Gen Tenzin for doing the transla-
tion; to David Luke and Geshe Dorje Dumdal-la
for help with the questionnaire, to Ed May for
help with the analysis, to Chris Roe for help
with grant application, and support along the
way, to Bradley Rowe for his beautiful photos
which were used as target pictures. May this
research be for the benefit of all beings.
This article first appeared in Paranormal Review

References

Conze, E. (trans. & ed.) (1995). The Large Sutra
on Perfect Wisdom, New Delhi, India: Motilal
Banarsidas

Honorton, C. (1977). Psi and Internal Attention
States," in B.B. Wolman (ed.), Handbook of
Parapsychology, Van Nostrand Rheinhold, N,Y.,
pp.435-472.

Lamrimpa, Gen (1995). Calming The Mind: Ti-
betan Buddhist Teachings on Cultivating Medi-
tative Quiescence. Ithaca, N.Y., USA: Snow Lion.

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Roney-Dougal, S.M. (2006). Taboo and Belief in
Tibetan Psychic Tradition, Journal of the Society
for Psychical Research, 70(4), 193-210.

Roney-Dougal, S.M. & Solfvin, J. (2006). Yogic
Attainment in Relation to Awareness of Precog-
nitive Targets, Journal of Parapsychology. 70(1),
91-120

Roney-Dougal, S.M. & Solfvin, J. (2011ss) Ex-
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Scientific Exploration, 25 (1), 29 - 46 .

Roney-Dougal, S.M., Solfvin, J. & Fox, J. (2008).
An Exploration of Degree of Meditation Attain-
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Solfvin, J. & Roney-Dougal, S.M. (2010). A re-
analysis and summary of data from a study of
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pp.104-197.

Serena Roney-Dougal did
her PhD thesis in Parapsy-
chology at Surrey Univer-
sity. There are only about
50 people in Britain who
have this qualification.
She has had over 30 years
of study and experience in
scientific, magical and
spiritual explorations of
the psyche, has lectured
and taught courses, semi-
nars and workshops in
America, Britain and Europe; has written numerous
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Where Science and Magic Meet and The Faery
Faith. She is a founder of Friends of Bride's Mound.

www.psi-researchcentre.co.uk

36

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

Shamanism, Transpersonal Ecosophy, and John E. Mack's Investiga-
tions of Encounters with Extraterrestrial Consciousness

Mark A. Schroll & John E. Mack
i 1

"'Look,' said the civil servant. 'I'm sorry. It's
just that we need guys who can build, not
write rhymes. We're starting a whole new
civilization out there and we need mechanics
and engineers. I'm sorry. 'So am I,' said Ed-
gar. You're building a whole new civilization
with technology, but there's no room for the
poet. I'm sorry for your civilization.' 'Look,
Mac, don't take offense. The stars belong to
science, not to art. ' [Edgar replied] 'The stars
belonged to the poets before science cast its eye
up there. When do we get them back?'" (Saye
1974: 126).

Th is article includes a historical overview of
the fracture between religion and science that
leads us into a conversation between John E.
Mack and Charles T. Tart. Their exchange of
ideas leads us to brief reflections on my meeting
with Mack. This provides a preface to Mack's
lecture on the eco-crisis, and how this relates to
his investigations into shamanism and its simi-
larities with persons who have experienced en-
counters with extra-terrestrial consciousness.
Encounters that Mack believes are our Passport
to the Cosmos (1999) and a means of transforma-
tion in this era of humankind's greatest chal-
lenges.

Introduction

I used to think investigating psi phenomenon
from the perspective of transpersonal anthro-
pology was as weird as it gets, but I was wrong.
This article includes a transcribed commentary
from a lecture John Mack gave four months
prior to his untimely death at age 74, on Sep-
tember 27, 2004, when a drunk driver in London
struck him in a crosswalk. Mack (a 1977 Pulitzer
Prize winner for his biography of T. E. Law-

rence, better known as Lawrence of Arabia) was
giving lectures in England on the Middle East
conflict. 1 But this scholarship is not what made
Mack a controversial figure. It was his final pub-
lished book Passport to the Cosmos: Human Trans-
formation and Alien Encounters (1999). This very
misunderstood inquiry was not concerned with
proving the existence of UFO sightings; it was
instead a cross-cultural philosophical treatise on
shamanism and its clash with modernity that
Mack wove together with eerie accounts of peo-
ple who experienced visitations from what was
characterized as an intelligence seeking to im-
part knowledge regarding: "the fate of the Earth
in the wake of human destructiveness, similar in
nature to instructions in shamanic journeys
about bringing the Earth into balance" (Jamie-
son & Mack 2003:21). Mack's investigation into
these encounters lead him to suggest that we
need to "invent a new psychology of our rela-
tionship to the Earth" (Mack 1995:280) that has
lead to my continuing development of what I
refer to as transpersonal ecosophy (Schroll 2009;
Schroll & Hartelius 2011; Drengson, Devall &
Schroll 2011).

Brief Historical Overview of the Fracture of
Religion and Science

In 1662, just 12 years after the death of Des-
cartes, the Royal Society was formed at Oxford
University, whose charter served to divide the
views of religion and science. According to his-
torians of science, this increasing separation of
science and religion is often explained as a con-
sequence of the growing influence of rational-
ism (Schroll & Greenwood 2011). Perhaps this
was the primary influence for this increasing
separation of mind and body, but is it also
worth asking whether fear could have been the
motivation operating in the minds of the foun-

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37

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

ders of the Royal Society to further separate sci-
ence and religion? We know the hysteria of
hunting for witches continued until around
1790. Thus, avoiding discussion of religion dur-
ing this time was most likely an act of self-
preservation (Kubrin 1981). Whatever the spe-
cific reasons were, the Royal Society became
more interested in hard science. I should add
that as science became more concerned with
material reality, confirming Newton's fears and
influencing his decision to hide his alchemical
investigations (Schroll 2010: 6-7).

The proceeding comments are a summary of
my response to Tart's "Proceeding With Cau-
tion: What Went Wrong? The Death and Rebirth
of Essential Science" (Tart 2012). This was a lec-
ture Tart gave in the symposium "Animism,
Shamanism and Ethnobotony: Ecopsychology's
Link with the Transpersonal" that I organized
and moderated at the 16 th International
Transpersonal [Association, (ITA)] Conference,
Palm Springs, California on June 16, 2004. I
could see Tart nodding in affirmation as I
brought my summary to a close by saying that
in Newton's day, belief in alchemy and hermeti-
cism would have earned him more than ostra-
cism or the failure to achieve tenure. Most likely
it would have resulted in his getting hung or
burned at the stake. "I would say that if some-
one was going to burn me as a witch because of
my belief in psi / spirit, I, too, would be fright-
ened enough to pretend, or actually become, a
hard core materialist and /or not say anything
about my other interests. Thankfully, we are liv-
ing in a more tolerant time, at least to some ex-
tent." To which Tart replied, "Right, at least to
some extent" (Schroll 2010: 7).

Mack too responded to Tart's lecture by say-
ing:

I want to ask Charley a question about
this discussion of science. I think what
you mean by science is a way of authentic
knowing, whatever that may be. But most,
or many of the things that matter to us,
are neither outside nor inside. Like the
kind of experiences I work with (Mack

1999), they are powerfully internal but
have an element from the outside, and I
think this is probably true of most phe-
nomena that matter to us. [My question
then is this]: How do we use science to
study something that is not simply the
inner world, nor is it the outer world, but
is a resonance of the whole reality system?
(Schroll 2010:7-8).

Tart replied to Mack by saying:

Step One: Reactivate your curiosity. A lot
of us are not curious enough about a lot of
things anymore [and] this is the main rea-
son [science chooses to ignore the kind of
phenomena you study, John]. [Step] Two:
We need to examine our prejudices. [You,
John], are a fine example of someone that
has been criticized by people that did not
actually read what you did. Instead, critics
say "This guy is out of the paradigm, this
stuff he studies cannot be true, he must be
wrong." I empathize, because I've had the
same response to my studies of psi phe-
nomena. I would welcome critics that did
me the courtesy of reading what I did and
then suggested some better ways to do it.
So it is this throwing stuff out as outside
the paradigm and not wanting to look at it
at all that is the main problem.. .Is any of
this getting at your question, John?

JEM: "For starts. I mean I was — well let's
open the discussion up to the audience. I
do not want to dominate the conversa-
tion" (Schroll 2010: 8).

At the time I was appreciative of Mack's brevity,
as I assumed this was going to be the first of
many deeper inquiries. Here I learned an impor-
tant lesson. We never know how much time we
have or what the future holds. Unfortunately in
this case continuing this conversation with
Mack is an opportunity that has been forever
lost. All we have to guide our understanding of
his investigations are his books, papers, and the

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38

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

last few fragments of his remembrances and
ruminations, to which we now turn.

Meeting John E. Mack

I remember my first meeting with John E. Mack.
He came up to me after the lecture "Spiritual
Emergence and Spiritual Problems" by David
Lukoff and Francis Lu at the 2004 ITA meeting
in Palm Springs, California, saying he enjoyed
my comments and that "I'm looking for Mark
A. Schroll. I want to talk with him about this
panel we are doing, and want to find out a bit
more about what each of us plan to talk about."
My shamanic trickster personality emerged at
this moment, as I replied: "I'll let you know
when I find him, and point him out to you."
Then I walked away. About 15 minutes later
during the lunch break I ran into John again in
the food line, and he said: "Hey, I think I've
found Mark A. Schroll, you're him, would you
like to have lunch?" My identity discovered, I
agreed to have lunch, and we ended up talking
nonstop for two hours. One of my questions
about the UFO abduction experience was
whether or not it is a real physical encounter
with aliens, or if it is a powerful dream that is so
vivid it seems real. This question about the real-
ity of the UFO experience is one that Mack ad-
dressed to some extent during the symposium I
organized. Mack also laid to rest the most obvi-
ous questions about his research in a paper he
sent to me prior to the ITA meeting:

Largely, study of the UFO phenomenon
has focused on the question of whether
UFOs are real in a strictly material sense,
if their existence can be proven by the
methods of traditional science, and
whether or not people are being taken
bodily through the sky into spaceships by
alien beings. These may be intriguing
questions, but the most important truths
for our culture may lie in the extraordi-
nary nature and power of the encounter-
ers' experiences, the opening that these
experiences provide to other, deeper di-
mensions of reality, and what they may

mean for our culture and the human fu-
ture. The subtle and elusive nature of the
UFO phenomenon is such that its secrets
may be denied to those using a purely
empirical approach, who try to keep ob-
server and observed, subject and object,
totally separate (Jamieson & Mack
2003:24).

Mack's Reflections On the Eco-Crisis'
Personal Impact on his Life

Schroll brought to my attention in setting
up this symposium [and in a conversation
we had yesterday] that about the same
time I became involved in working with
so-called "abductees" or "experiencers" I
had written up a dream that I had in
["April 1990. I was in Japan for a United
Nations conference, held in the city of
Sendai, on the relationship of science and
technology to industrial peace and secu-
rity. On the night before returning to the
United States, while sleeping in a typical
old-style Japanese inn in Kyoto, I had a
dream on Earth Day (April 22) that re-
flected my experience of coming back to a
country that had been changed drastically
from the place that I had once known"].

Recalling this dream, I noted how lit-
tle attention we were paying to the envi-
ronment or environmental questions. I
dreamt ([it's] a complicated dream) but
the essence of it was I felt this visceral
connection with the earth through memo-
ries of polluted atmosphere of New Jersey
across the river from where I grew up in
New York, "desecrated by the mindless
excesses of industrialization," and how
much that whole memory of that connec-
tion viscerally to what was going on with
the earth came back to me. In my dream, I
am on a hillside just across the Hudson
River, perhaps in New Jersey, which I had
driven through so often with my parents
in childhood on the way to the seashore.
Someone is lecturing to a group of us, as if
we were at the United Nations conference

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

for which I have come to Kyoto, that there
is still much beauty in the New York City
environs. Then, with others from the con-
ference, I take a kind of quick aerial and
ground tour of these hills but see no
beauty, for on each field of straw-colored
New Jersey swamp grass there is at least
one rectangular industrial or commercial
building. Furthermore, there is an unmis-
takable chemical stench that pervades the
scene, which is only partially acknowl-
edged by the group.

The scene shifts to a meeting around
a conference table where people are shar-
ing their experiences and what bothers
them. I say that what troubles me most,
beyond what we have witnessed, is when
someone, or a policy, or some enterprise,
contradicts, or denies, or pretends that
reality is different from that which my
own experience tells me it is — that is,
when someone invalidates my direct ex-
perience. Then a man sitting across the
table from me — a kind of combination of
an energetic representative of the British
scientific establishment who was at the
conference and of the younger people
more eager for change — reacts with posi-
tive intensity to my sentiment, and I feel
very much support (Mack 1991:102).

Shamanism and its Relationship with Mack's
Investigations of Encounters with
Extra-Terrestrial Consciousness

In approaching this symposium this
morning, I was struck again how dramati-
cally there is a consistent pattern of the
"experiencers" receiving information from
"the beings" [and] about what is happen-
ing to the earth. Let me turn now to some
illustrations of the work I have been doing
with these "experiencers" over the past 14
to 15 years. It is a very powerful confron-
tation for them, and they often become
active on the behalf of the planet. They
describe (in the same way I just men-
tioned) how deeply disturbed they are in

every element of their being by what is
happening to the planet. Often what we
are teaching in ecology courses [is exactly
what is motivating them to] become very
active participants in communicating the
stress they experience about the planet.
"The beings," [which is my shorthand
conceptual construct] of a whole fabric of
intelligence — these entities that come to
communicate with the experiencers, are re-
minders of our original connection with
the Earth and our responsibility to it.

There is this exquisite sense many of
them get, sometimes they are brought by
"the beings" to some place of extraordi-
nary beauty which again affects them so
powerfully. Mother of five children: She
tells us, "when they show you these envi-
ronments you can actually see the life
force in flowers, in the leaves and in the
water, it's like colors you've never seen
before. In the rainforest where she was
taken in South America — when I say
"taken" I am not claiming the literalness
of all of this, although it is experienced
quite literally much of the time. In the
rainforest you can see the life existing in
the leaves in the tops of these trees. There
were earth spirits dancing all over the tops
of these trees. Sometimes the distress
about the Earth that the Beings are trying
to convey, or wherever this [information]
is coming from, takes on apocalyptic pro-
portions; and the Beings reply that it takes
this to get through to the consciousness
not only of the experiencers but all of us
that are part of this crisis situation.

This is from Jim, a Real Estate devel-
oper who completely had his conscious-
ness shattered and transformed by his so-
called abduction encounters. One example
is he was shown — on a ship — a landscape
that was of old growth trees, and moun-
tains and was clean, and the scene was
emotionally breathtaking. He could feel its
magistery, Jim said. Then this scene faded
away with a low hum, and in a few sec-

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

onds the next scene appeared. This time it
was a clear blue ocean, teeming with fish,
and again Jim said he felt strong emotions
attached to this scene. As that scene faded
out the next one appeared. It was a gor-
geous fresh water lake, pure and clean.
The next scene was a beautiful waterfall in
a gorgeous mountain setting, then images
of the rainforest, and so on and on. But
then it all changed. In the next scene the
image that was shown to him was the im-
age of the beautiful old growth forest [that
had now become] brown, gray, and dead
looking instead of healthy. The air was
nasty, gray looking, instead of a clear blue
sky. This made me feel very sad and de-
pressed, I didn't like it at all what I was
seeing. This scene was followed by the
next — dead bloated fish floating on the
[surface of the] waters. Scene after scene
this bleak message continued and it sad-
dened me to the point where I could not
look at it anymore. But it seemed that I
had no choice but to look. I could not turn
away. The power of having to witness
these scenes (he was held to it) is that the
consequences of this experience radically
transformed his consciousness.

Andrea, mother of two teenage girls
was shown a cleansing (again it is a pow-
erful Apocalyptic picture of the detesta-
tion that will happen to the Earth). She is
awakened in the middle of the night and
told by the Beings telepathically about a
Hawaiian island that was going to ex-
plode setting off a chain reaction of erup-
tions. The Beings urged her to start telling
people about this. She was shown from
their ships a picture of the Earth and its
magnetic poles and grid lines. There will
be Earth changes, she said, and static elec-
tricity will cover the planet — clouds of it —
at that point no one will be let in. She saw
a ring-of-fire to the left of Japan, in this
picture of the Earth. Beginning in the
Northern Hemisphere the Earth's axis will
shift, causing a lot of depression and

chaos unless people work to become
grounded and deeply connected with the
Earth. Again reaching people through this
process they become these witnesses to
these transformations and threats to the
Earth, and then communicate this to us.
This is also information that they receive
about the natural order.

This is Carlos Vejes, a Mexican, and
he says the Beings express very little. But
he has seen consciousness at work in all
the biosphere's, [with creatures] interact-
ing doing a cooperative job to maintain
the planet and also themselves. He has
been shown how both complex and sim-
ple an ecosystem can be at the same time,
he says. Ecosystems connecting with other
ecosystems, the Earth is alive. This coop-
eration in nature has gone on for millions
and millions of years he's been shown.
Unfortunately the dominating forces on
the Earth are going against the natural
flow of life. Each creature that has been
created in the universe, he says, has some-
thing that is worthwhile to preserve.

Finally Credo Mutwa, who is a Zulu
medicine man (and I found that on all
continents there are illustrations of this
encounter phenomenon with the same
message). He speaks of this Earth as our
mother earth, a special nurturing place
where new species are allowed to reach
maturity and perfection; a mother world
or womb world, a growing place, a garden
which we are messing up. According to
African culture and religion there are 24
mother worlds in the sky and our Earth is
the 25 th ; a mother world is an especially
made planet whose purpose is to give
birth to life. Now these mother worlds are
very very rare. You can find thousands of
worlds without life and only one mother
world. This uniquely created world, he
says, is guarded by ancient entities such as
whales and others, which we kill in our
stupidity.

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

Of course what does it mean that Be-
ings from some other dimension we know
not where [are seeking out to reach us],
and why these people? I see my job in a
sense as legitimizing this phenomenon so
that the voices of these witnesses can be
heard. But it strikes me as incredibly im-
portant that what is going on here is ap-
parently being noticed (those anthropo-
morphic words) at a cosmic level. It is not
just an Earth crime, but evidently what
we are doing is so [disturbing and so] in-
terrupting the fabric of being in the galaxy
or the cosmos that some effort is — some-
thing is trying to reach us. To open us
(open our hearts, open our consciousness)
to reconnecting and reestablishing the
proper harmonic relationship that indige-
nous people have always known. It is ac-
knowledging this that I see as our respon-
sibility.

Conclusion

These descriptions of encounters with extra-
terrestrial beings sounds totally fantastic, does it
not? What are we to make of it? This is what
Mack spent the last few years of his life trying
to find out and is the burning question he had
on his mind when he asked Tart about his ways
of knowing as an outline of an essential science
(Tart, 2012). It is, however, unfortunate our in-
quiry process did not go far enough that day
because Mack's research continues to leave us
with many unanswered questions; questions
that remain at the forefront of the anthropology
of consciousness and my continuing effort to
develop a transpersonal ecosophy. Harvard
Medical School was greatly disturbed by this
research that Mack was doing, and seriously
considered preventing him from proceeding. In
the end Harvard Medical School concluded that
he remained a scholar in good standing with
the University, and allowed him to continue.
During this same time when Mack:

...was being criticized in the academic
community for seeking to legitimize the
encounter phenomenon, he was moved
when Standing Elk, a Dakota Sioux medi-
cine man, upon learning of his work,
called to tell him that he and other native
leaders would "stand by" him regarding
the legitimacy of what he was finding
(Jamieson & Mack, 2003, p. 17).

It is therefore up to those of us with the courage
and the foresight to continue to both acknowl-
edge and lend our support to Mack's investiga-
tions of encounters with extra-terrestrial con-
sciousness. Here again, as Mack so often sought
to clarify, the meaning of his research went far
beyond the actual data of these encounters. The
real questions and the real concerns were to
look at our own lives. To question the limits of
our scientific paradigm, our governmental poli-
cies, and the practices of corporations that are
putting all of our lives at risk. It's not just the
Earth, but the universe that is crying out for our
help.

Notes

1. T. E. Lawrence was an archaeologist in the
Middle East who became a British officer due to
extraordinary circumstances during World War
I (Mack, 1976).

References

Drengson, A., Devall, B. & Schroll, M. A. (2011).
"The deep ecology movement: Origins, devel-
opment, and future prospects (toward a
transpersonal ecosophy)." International Journal of
Transpersonal Studies, 30(1-2), 101-117.

Jamieson, S. & Mack, J. E. (2003). "Shamanic
journeys and UFO encounters: A consideration
of two avenues to an expanded reality." Sha-
manism: A Semi— Annual Journal of the Founda-
tion for Shamanic Studies, 16(1), 16-27.

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42

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

Kubrin, D. (1981). "Newton's inside out: Magic,
class struggle, and the rise of mechanism in the
West." In H. Woolf (Ed.), The analytic spirit: Es-
says in the history of science. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell
University Press, pp. 96-121.

Mack, J. E. (1976). A prince of our disorder: The life
ofT. E. Eawrence. Boston: Little, Brown.

Mack, J. E. (1991). "Inventing a psychology of
our relationship to Earth." ReVision, 14 (2), 102-
107.

Mack, J. E. (1995). "The politics of species arro-
gance." In T. Roszak, M. E. Gomes, & A. D.
Kanner, Eds.), Ecopsychology: Restoring the Earth,
healing the mind. San Francisco: Sierra Club
Books, pp. 279-287.

Mack, J. E. (1999). Passport to the cosmos: Human
transformation and alien encounters. New York:
Crown Publishers.

Saye, L. (1974). "No room for the wanderer." In
D. Gerrold (Ed.), Alternities. New York: Dell
Publishing Company, Inc, pp. 120-126.

Schroll, M. A. (2009). "New science, new culture
manifesto: Transpersonal ecosophy's vision of
what it means to be human." Association for Hu-
manistic Psychology-Perspective, June /July, 8-10.
Retrieved from:

http:/ / www.ahpweb.org/ pub / perspective / Jun
e09 / AHP%20PerspectiveJUNE%202009.pdf

Schroll, M. A. (2010). "Toward a new kind of
science and its methods of inquiry." Anthropol-
ogy of Consciousness, 21 (l):l-29.

Schroll, M. A. & Hartelius, G. (2011). "Introduc-
tion to special topics section: Ecopsychology's
roots in humanistic and transpersonal psychol-
ogy, the deep ecology movement, and ecocriti-
cism." International Journal of Transpersonal Stud-
ies, 30(1-2), 82-88.

Schroll, M. A. & Greenwood, S. (2011). "World-
views in collision/worldviews in metamorphosis: To-
ward a multistate paradigm." Anthropology of Con-
sciousness, 22(1), 49-60.

Tart, C. T. (2012). "Proceeding with caution: Whatwent
wrong? The death and rebirth of essential science." Par-
anthropology. Journal of Anthropological Approaches to
the Paranormal, 3 ( 1 ): 20-22.

John E. Mack, M.D. (1929-2004), was a Pulitzer Prize
winning author and Professor of Psychiatry at the
Harvard Medical School. He was the author of eleven
books, and wrote more than 150 scholarly articles.

Mark A. Schroll, Ph.D., Serves on Paranthropology 's
Board and is a frequent contributor to this journal.
Research Adjunct Faculty, Institute of Transpersonal
Psychology, Palo Alto, California, and Co-Editor-In-
Chief, Restoration Earth: An Interdisciplinary Journal for
the Study of Nature and Civilization. He is Co-Founder
of the International Association for Transpersonal
Ecosophy. http: / / iatranspersonalecosophy.org. Email:
rockphd4@yahoo.com.

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

Centre for the History of Psychological
Disciplines ^

CALL FOR PAPERS:

PSYCHICAL RESEARCH IN THE HISTORY OF
MEDICINE AND THE SCIENCES

14-15 SEPTEMBER 2012, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE LONDON

Keynote speakers:
PROF. IVOR G R ATTAN-G U I NN ESS
& PROF. SONU SHAMDASANI

The UCL Centre for the History of Psychological Disciplines invites original
papers for a two-day conference on social, intellectual, epistemological and
methodological aspects of psychical research and parapsychology in relation
to orthodox medicine and the sciences in the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries. Abstracts for 20-minutes papers should be around 300 words long
and must be submitted by 15 June 2012.

We plan to publish a selection of papers in an edited volume.

For enquiries and abstract submissions, please e-mail a.sommer@ucl.ac.uk

Deadline for abstract submissions: 15 June 2012

UCL Centre for the History of Psychological Disciplines, University College London, London WC1E 6BT

http://www.ucl.ac.uk/cehp/chpd

Vol. 3 No. 2

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

REVIEW:

'Words Matter: Hermeneutics in the Study of Religion' by Rene Gothoni

Margaret Gouin
i 1

Religions

dnci i^iscoursc

Vol.52

Rene Gothoni

Words Matter

Hermeneutics

in the Study of Religions

Peter Lang

"Words Matter : hermeneutics in the study
of religion"
Author: Rene Gothoni
Oxford/New York/Bern: Peter Lang, 2011
'Religious and Discourse' series, vol. 52
ISBN: 9783034302685 (pbk);
9783035301014 (ebk)
Price: €38.90, £35.00, US$60.95
xiv + 220 pp; 5 figures and 2 colour illus-

This interesting exploration of hermeneutical praetice
in the study of religions is apparendy the fruit of the
author's dissatisfaction with his discussions with cogni-
tive scientists of religion at the University of Helsinki,
where he is a professor of comparative religion. It is
obvious that Gothoni has some familiarity with the
cognitive science of religion; and he finds the argu-

ments of its proponents to be 'utterly unconvincing'
(fx) in the light of his many years of experience in the
field, researching two religious traditions in two very
different countries. His concern, he makes clear, is not
so much with whether there can or cannot be a 'proper'
scientific method for the study of religions, as with
what he sees as 'the blind and infatuated fascination
with the exact sciences, and the insensitivity to the lim-
its of explanatory science and its methods, which re-
duces understanding to an instrumental process.' He
goes on to argue that 'In today's world, we really need
to expose the shortcomings of this simple methodo-
logical instrumentalism and epistemology, as well as
the negligent attitude towards what is learnable from
personal experience.' (6)

Gothoni takes the inspirations for his present work
from the philosophical hermeneutics of Hans-Georg
Gadamer ( 1 900-2002) , which go beyond the technical
theory and method for interpreting texts characteristic
of earlier hermeneutics. Arguing that what is unique
about humans is above all language, Gadamer insisted
that the hermeneutic experience is not just relevant to
texts but to the whole of experience. 'Hermeneutical
truth' is discovered by a process of speaking and listen-
ing between the parties, in which each exchange leads
to new understanding which initiates the next ex-
change, gradually arriving at a truth which is 'revelatory
of being' (184). This dialogue may take place between
two persons, between reader and text, or within oneself
in one's inner speaking. Indeed Gadamer concluded
that 'the world itself ... is language speaking to us'
(34). Since in this dialectical interaction, each party is
in turn both subject and object, the distinction between
'subjective' and 'objective' is rendered pointless.

In Gadamer's hermeneutics, Gothoni finds an ex-
citing way of opening up the meaning of the words we
use. He argues that in order to interpret the words of
the other— either in a text or in speech— one must make
oneself totally open and present to that other, ready
and willing to engage in a dialogue of discovery which
will include not only discovery of the other but also of

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45

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

oneself, and in partieular of how one's own prejudices
and cultural conditioning shape and indeed distort
one's ability to perceive the other clearly and compre-
hend their words. He presents an illuminating example
from his own experience researching pilgrimage at
Mount Athos: the very word 'pilgrimage', with its un-
acknowledged Roman Catholic context and cultural
overtones of walking (going on pilgrimage) , he found
to be an obstacle to his understanding of what was be-
ing done at Mount Athos, which in Greek is called pro-
skynitis, or 'veneration', with no overtones of walking
or travelling at all.

Part of his overall argument revolves around the
two different types of knowledge posited by Aristot-
le-knowledge of quantity and knowledge of quality
(i.e. 'the qualities that are desirable in life,' 10-11).
These are fundamentally different, and therefore the
research procedures appropriate to them are also fun-
damentally different, as are the approaches and skills
required of the researchers in each case. The human
sciences, including the study of religions, he places
squarely in the domain of knowledge of quality; while
he suggests the natural sciences are primarily con-
cerned with what Aristotle designated as the knowl-
edge of quantity. Quantity can be 'measured, taught
and learned,' but quality cannot (11).

Research in the human sciences is not, nor can it
be, a matter of following a set procedure in a linear
fashion; the scholar must choose her method according
to her understanding of the circumstances, and the
method chosen may change as circumstances change.
In other words, the process of research is also 'a proc-
ess of discernment in which there is a dialectical rela-
tionship between the scholar, the subject matter, the
material and the method' (64). This does not make it
any less scientific than methods used in the natural sci-
ences, only different. Gothoni reproaches Wiebe and
other cognitive scientists of religion for using rhetori-
cal expressions such as 'scientific understanding' for
their own work (73) as if 'scientific understanding'
were somehow different from ordinary understand-
ing-one of his subheadings states trenchantly, 'There
is no specific scientific understanding and there is no
unmediated point outside' (72).

personal and cultural pasts; we are 'ensnared by his-
torically conditioned preconcepts and prejudices' (24).
And, like ourselves, our concepts are also historical,
and therefore both conditioned and contingent; in the
course of time and the advance of knowledge, they will
become outdated, and need to be reinterpreted, or
even laid aside.

Gothoni suggests that the methods needed in the
human sciences are those that will enable us as scholars
to articulate the lived reality of religion as a human
phenomenon. The methods of the cognitive science of
religion, in his opinion, fail to do this: 'However much
we learn about our brain, our genes and our evolution-
ary history, we will not thereby learn fully and satisfac-
torily what it means to be human' (31). 'Method' can-
not be limited to mathematical (measuring) models. To
this end, he concludes by setting out the process of
hermeneutic reflection 'in terms of a scientific proce-
dure with methodic characteristics' ( 1 97-20 1 ) .

This is not an easy book to read, but rewards per-
severence. The argument is dense at times, and the
realm of philosophical hermeneutics may not be well-
known to many scholars of religion. It is to Gothoni' s
credit that he does an excellent job of presenting
Gadamer's sometimes extremely complex ideas. The
views presented are cogent and well-argued; the chap-
ters drawing on Gothoni' s field work in Greece and Sri
Lanka flesh out his arguments and provide grounding
in the reality of research practice; and the author's pas-
sionate conviction of the importance of what he is say-
ing is evident on every page.

This book will be of interest to anyone concerned
with issues of method in the study of religions, and
perhaps (it can be hoped) may stimulate the long-
overdue dialogue between the cognitive scientists of
religion and those who, like Gothoni, seek a less rigid
and linear form of research. Perhaps one of the first
subjects of hermeneutical reflection and dialogue could
be what we mean by 'science.'

Margaret Gouin, PhD, Honorary Research Fellow,
University of Wales Trinity Saint David.

He reiterates several times throughout the book
the important point that scholars and scientists alike
are historical beings: we are tied to our time and our

Vol. 3 NO. 2 46

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

The Religious Studies Project

www.religiousstudiesproject.com

teekly half-hour podcasts

leading
nts on

cutting-edge research, important methodologies
and topical themes in the contemporary social
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The website also includes essays reflecting on the
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'resented in association with the British Association for
the Study of Religions (BASR).

Twitter: @ProjectRS
iTunes: The Religious Studies Project
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Email: editors@religiousstudiesproject.com

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Podcasts include:

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Vol. 3 NO. 2

47

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

REVIEW:

The Forbidden Book' by Guido di Sospiro and Joscelyn Godwin

Robert M.Schoch
i 1

versity (Washington, D.C.) who is in love with
his former intern, some sixteen or so years his
junior, the Italian Baroness Orsina Riviera
della Motta. She is, in turn, in love with him
despite having married the wealthy English-
man Nigel MacPherson. And there is Orsina's
rather sinister uncle, patriarch of the ancient
family, Baron Emanuele Riviera della Motta,
who owns an ancestral villa near Verona and a
palazzo on Venice's Grand Canal, as well as
Orsina's younger sister, Angela Riviera della
Motta. I will not give away the plot here, for
those who wish to read this book simply as a
novel should do so. It is a good story.

However, beyond the novelistic tale, this is
a book that can (and should) be read at pro-
gressively deeper and more occult levels; it
has multiple layers of meaning and contains
profound insights into the ancient and endur-
ing perennial philosophy. In many ways the
central character of The Forbidden Book is a
genuine book, first published in the early sev-
enteenth century, II Mondo Magico de gli Heroi
by Cesare della Riviera (Mantua, 1603; Milan,
1605). The Magical World of the Heroes is a noble
but obscure treatise that synthesizes the epit-
ome of hermetic thinking in its age. The prem-
ise of the novel is that besides the published
editions of II Mondo Magico, there exists a pri-
vate and secret, uncensored and unexpur-
gated, edition of the book that was succes-
sively passed down through the eldest gen-
eration of the Riviera family (with the Baron-
ess Orsina being the most recent recipient; she
calls on her former mentor, Prof. Kavenaugh,
for help in understanding the difficult text).
The secret edition of II Mondo Magico is the
"forbidden book" from which the novel de-
rives its title. The concept of a secret edition is
not unlike the understanding that Dr. John
Dee's Monas Hieroglyphica (Antwerp, 1564)
had an oral, or perhaps written but severely
2 48

"The Forbidden Book"
Authors: Guido Mina di Sospiro and Joscelyn Godwin
Publisher: Disinformation Company
ISBN: 9781934708835
EAN: 9781934708835
E-book: x, 304 pages

Price, U.S.: $16.95
Price, Canada: $17.95
Publication Date: 10 April 2012

From the start one should realize that The
Forbidden Book, by Guido Mina di Sospiro and
Joscelyn Godwin, is a novel, but it is also
much more than a novel. As a novel, it incor-
porates all of the elements of a good, action-
packed, adventure with a generous dose of
love, intrigue, sex, and violence. Primary
characters include Leonard Kavenaugh, chair
of the Italian Department at Georgetown Uni-

V0I.3N0

Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

■cnrr pri vilegio.

Miiako, Per Pictro Martirc Locarni . 160J.

Cmti(ci;^t dc' Super io)i .

restricted in its circulation, explanation that is
now lost (or possibly still concealed, and
known only to a select few). Indeed, Cesare
della Riviera included an illustration (page 24
of the 1605 edition) and discussion of Dee's
hieroglyphic monad in his work, although he
never mentioned Dee by name (see Peter J.
Forshaw, Ambix [Society for the History of Al-
chemy and Chemistry], November 2005). In
their novel, Guido Mina di Sospiro and Josce-
lyn Godwin provide a number of authentic
excerpts from II Mondo Magico (the book has
not yet been published in English, and the
translations are by the authors) which provide
a ready and fascinating introduction to the
alchemical-magical practices of the late Italian
Renaissance, a spiritual tradition that persists
surreptitiously to this day. Reading their novel
made me hunger for a full-fledged English
translation of Cesare della Riviera's book.

Vol 3 No.

One of the core themes of II Mondo Magico,
made clear in the novel, is the practical appli-
cation of (or minimally, appreciation of) para-
psychological phenomena. This is magic
(magick), true magic, real magic, in the sense
discussed by David Conway (a pseudonym,
by the way) in his marvelous recent book
Magic without Mirrors: The Making of a Magi-
cian (Logios Publishing, 2011). Now such
magic (that is, paranormal phenomena) can be
induced through the use of various ceremo-
nies (including, in some cases, the harnessing
and redirecting of sexual energies), instru-
ments, sigils and symbols, spells, charms, re-
galia, and other paraphernalia associated with
more outwardly oriented means of elicitation
(as magisterially discussed by Eliphas Levi
[Alphonse-Louis Constant] in Dogme et Rituel
de la Haute Magie, Germer Bailliere, Paris,
1856, 1861), or by more simple, unadorned,
and inward means - it really depends on the
personality, imagination, and volition of the
individual or group involved. Both schools,
both approaches, come through in II Mondo
Magico and are recounted in the novel; conse-
quently The Forbidden Book can be seen as a
primer on various forms of magical thinking.

In recent decades II Mondo Magico has been
reprinted a number of times, beginning in
1932 with a modernized Italian text, an intro-
duction, and notes by the right-wing, reac-
tionary, traditionalist, aristocratic, and heroic
Italian esotericist and philosopher Baron Ju-
lius Evola (1898-1974). In the novel Baron
Emanuele refers to this edition when he tells
Prof. Kavenaugh that a good friend of the
family brought the book back into print in the
1930s. The copy Kavenaugh purchases is de-
scribed as having seven sleeping men on the
cover, which can only refer to a more recent
reprint of Evola' s version of the book (pub-
lished by Edizioni Arktos - my copy appears
to lack a date, but bibliographers seem to
agree on 1982 for this edition). Evola refers to
II Mondo Magico numerous times in his La Tra-
dizione Ermetica (Giuseppe Laterza & Figli,
Bari, 1931; The Hermetic Tradition, translated
into English by E. E. Rehmus and published

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

by Inner Traditions, 1995). In his subsequent
writings Evola elaborated on his elitist, anti-
democratic, anti-Modernistic, and anti-
materialistic ideas. As E. Christian Kopff has
written, according to Evola' s way of thinking,
"Real men exist to attain knowledge of the
transcendent and to strive and accomplish he-
roically" (The Occidental Quarterly, Summer
2002, p. 96). And, in Evola's own words
(translated from the Italian), "Nothing is more
evident than that modern capitalism is just as
subversive as Marxism. The materialistic view
of life on which both systems are based is
identical" (quoted by Kopff, p. 96, from
Evola's Men Among the Ruins: Postwar Reflec-
tions of a Radical Traditionalist, Inner Traditions,
2002, first published in Italian, Gli Uomini e le
Rovine, Edizioni dell'Ascia, Rome, 1953).
Baron Emanuele of the novel reflects many of
the values espoused by the real life Evola.
And Baron Emanuele put these values into
action, both through his lectures and influence
on his disciples and followers (his "sympa-
thizers," as he referred to them), and via the
application of alchemico-magico-sexual rituals
- even if in the end the Baron's efforts were
somewhat misguided, to put it mildly (but I
will not ruin the story for the reader). Here we
find another layer of meaning in The Forbidden
Book.

A still deeper layer of meaning occurs at
the level of allegory, and this in turn brings
out another core theme of II Mondo Magico.
The Forbidden Book is among the latest in a
long list of literary works in which the Her-
metic tradition, the mental work, the Great
Work (spiritually), the alchemical search for
the Philosophers' Stone, is enciphered. A
modern succinct key to such allegories is Roy
Norvill's The Language of the Gods (Ashgrove
Press, Bath, 1987). Norvill admirably intro-
duces the subject: "The mind of Man is capa-
ble of a certain, deliberate act of will, the suc-
cessful application of which results in his be-
ing elevated to a higher state of consciousness,
a realm of beneficence such as he has often
dreamed of but never considered a reality...
attainment of this much desired goal places at

Vol.3

one's disposal powers [Norvill is writing of
that which in other terms is referred to as
paranormal or psychical powers] that, if mis-
applied, can adversely affect the lives of oth-
ers . . . Accordingly . . . the initiates devised a
form of advertising which, while open to all
eyes, would be understood completely only
by those in whom the sense of intuition was
greater than ordinary reason" (p.
9). "Commonly, this method of encipherment
is known by the term 'allegory', but in due
deference to the wholly spiritual world to
which it really refers, the initiates chose to call
it the 'Language of the Gods"'(p. 10).

Whether consciously and intentionally,
unconsciously (perhaps due to their heavy
involvement in the subject), or simply coinci-
dentally (perhaps it is synchronistic) on the

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

part of the authors, The Forbidden Book is a
sublime allegory for the mental work of which
Norvill writes. The classic allegorical pattern
involves a hero who, among other things, may
discover "a strange and ancient book" (Nor-
vill, p. 26); undergoes arduous travels and
travails in a quest for secret wisdom; is in-
volved in magical contests, persecutions, and
sacrifices; ultimately dies and is "reborn"; and
finally discovers the "treasure." This allegory
reflects the mental process of the adept. The
hero, the adept in the making, initially is filled
with doubt and skepticism relative to the
spiritual, transcendent, nonmaterial world,
and the mental work. A long and difficult pe-
riod of concentration and meditation is re-
quired to still the mind, control the conscious
thought stream, and tap into the higher con-
sciousness (the pure consciousness, some-
times referred to as the subconscious, al-
though there is nothing "sub" or "lower"
about it). Backsliding may occur, and the
would-be initiate may be subject to persecu-
tion and ridicule by those who do not under-
stand (and most never will), and she or he
may come to doubt and possibly even aban-
don the quest. Ultimately if the adept pushes
on, new vistas and understandings, an entire
new world (and the powers that go with it -
paranormal wonders) is opened up. There is a
death of the old and a rebirth, a resurrection
in the form of a new mentality and being.

In many allegorical works of this genre,
the process of the mental work is depicted in
three major stages, often represented by dif-
ferent characters in the story, and key terms,
names, phrases, and places are used to encode
information about the mental work. Further-
more, these stages are classically associated
with three standard colors (Norvill, pp. 31-32).
Black portrays the beginning of the process for
the would-be adept, the long and difficult la-
bor to control the will and master the forces of
one's own mind while cleansing one's psyche
of erroneous (if commonly accepted) ideas
and assumptions. White represents the second
stage, the mastery by will power over
thought. The final stage, the complete mastery

V0I.3

and control of one's own mind, and the power
and gifts of the pure consciousness that are
associated with this mastery, is symbolized by
red. To give just a superficial indication (even
a modestly complete analysis is not feasible
here) of how these allegories are incorporated
into The Forbidden Book, we can look at the de-
scriptions and names of the primary charac-
ters.

Leonard Kavenaugh, the would-be adept
and hero of the story, is described as having
black hair (the first stage of the mental work)
and blue eyes (potential for progress and in-
sight). He is both physically handsome (po-
tential to achieve the state of pure conscious-
ness) but has an ugly past (the incessant men-
tal thought stream that must be tamed and
subdued). His name is that of a hero: Leonard,
which can be interpreted as "lion-hearted" or
brave, and Kavenaugh, which can be inter-
preted as "comely" or "handsome." The Baron
has white hair; he has reached the second
stage, but he uses it for evil and ugly pur-
poses. He paints; he pursues the mental proc-
ess. His unwitting accomplice is Angela, who
is blonde, and has also (perhaps not entirely
consciously) achieved the second stage; her
female beauty is an allegory for mental reflec-
tion. And their names too are telling. Baron
Emanuele ("God is with us," connoting that
the Baron is attempting to harness the spiri-
tual powers) Riviera (river bank or coast; the
mental stream) della (a dual role, referring to
either "noble" and /or "of the") Motta (a forti-
fied stronghold; that is, the place where the
mental work is pursued; the inner mind; the
vessel, retort, or laboratory of the spiritual al-
chemist). Angela, the messenger of God, plays
the role of go-between or intermediary, and is
also a sacrificial lamb, the death of the old
mentality. Orsina is beautiful (reflection; gifts
of higher consciousness), with red hair and
sunny green eyes. Red is the third stage of the
mental work; green is often used to indicate
initiation (Norvill, p. 32), and the Sun repre-
sents the pure consciousness. The name Ors-
ina refers to a bear, perhaps an allusion to the
Great Bear in the sky (Ursa Major), and I can-

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Paranthropology: Journal of Anthropological Approaches to the Paranormal

not help but also think of Osiris (perhaps just
a superficial similarity of names), the Egyp-
tian god and initiate who died and was resur-
rected (accomplished the Great Work). And
then there is the incredibly wealthy and mate-
rialistic Nigel MacPherson. Nigel can be in-
terpreted as referring to black, the first stage
(if he should even be considered at the first
stage, which is questionable) and MacPher-
son, which can mean son of the parson, or he
who is responsible for church property (mate-
rialistic) and collects the offerings and tithes
(monetary concerns as opposed to spiritual
progress).

We should not forget to mention the sup-
posed (according to the novel) Riviera heral-
dic shield, which appears on the title page of
the 1605 edition of II Mondo Magico (in fact,
this colophon or printer's mark/ device was
used by the publisher /printer Pietro Martire
Locarno on the title pages of a number of
books that are not associated with Cesare
della Riviera). It shows the Tree of Life, along
with two other trees (possibly representing
the occult and mental phenomena - this re-
viewer's interpretation, based on the Baron's
comments in the novel), with the River of Life
(according to the Baron, but not distinct in the
1605 colophon) flowing through their roots.
On the actual 1605 colophon the motto
"CRESCIT OCCVLTO" (it grows /increases by
or from a hidden [source /knowledge]) ap-
pears on a banner across the three trees and
the words "VELAS CVS" (extras /numerous
[more] stand ready /guard) are written on the
trunk of the middle tree (the crude interpreta-
tions of the mottos are by this reviewer).

I cannot confirm that the authors of The
Forbidden Book consciously intended to write a
Hermetic allegory (and I have only just
scratched the surface in this interpretation of
the book), but one thing is clear: The authors
are in possession of a deep understanding of -
and sympathy for - esoteric Hermeticism. In
particular, Dr. Joscelyn Godwin, a professor at
Colgate University, is an authority on various
occult and esoteric subjects; among his many
literary contributions is a foreword to the 2002

Vol 3

English-language edition of Evola's Men
Among the Ruins.

The Forbidden Book has already been pub-
lished in a number of languages (Spanish,
Russian, Danish, Greek, Polish, Bulgarian, and
Romanian), and it is a welcome addition to
have it available in English. The Disinforma-
tion Company deserves hearty thanks. I en-
courage everyone to acquire a copy and read
it closely!

Robert M. Schoch, Ph.D., College of General
Studies, Boston University.

Telephone Calls

FROM THE

Dead

CALLUM e. cooper

A revised look at trie phenomenon tnirty
years after the publication of Phone Calls from
the Dead, by D. Scott Rogo & Raymond
Bayless (1979)
Available from: www.calcooper.com
and www.amazon.co.uk

i.2 52

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